UP CLOSE | A class of its own: How medical students balance mental health and career aspirations

[raw num=”1″ align=”stretch”]

[bylines]

Julia Schaffer MED ’25 said she grapples with how much of her life should revolve around her identity as a physician. 

While on rotations with medical residents at the hospital who work 80 hours a week, Schaffer described how it can “seem like that’s their whole life and their whole person.”

“It’s this ideal that I have to be a doctor as a person,” Schaffer said. “That’s always there and something to be struggled with. Do I have to be doctor-like outside the hospital? Is it some quality inside me that needs to be stable no matter where I am? … Does my whole life need to revolve around the centerpiece that is being a physician?” 

Schaffer is a part of the peer advocate program, a student wellness resource at Yale School of Medicine. Founded in 2000, the program consists of medical students nominated and selected by their peers in their first year to be a 24/7 resource that other students can reach out to if they need to discuss any personal, academic or professional struggles they may be facing. 

The advocates discuss problem-solving strategies and point students toward other resources if need be, as the focus of the program is to discuss more acute mental health issues, explained Schaffer. Once selected, peer advocates hold this position throughout their time at YSM.

All students receive a contact card with the numbers of every advocate. If contacted, the advocates respond within 24 hours. 

Student stories

Samiksha Chopra MED ’29, another peer advocate, said that she has enjoyed each step of the medical school process more than the last. However, Chopra acknowledged that there are unique stressors on medical students that can be damaging to their mental health — particularly regarding what students have to see in the hospital.

Chopra’s interest in medicine began at a young age. Her grandfather was a doctor in India, and while he never got the chance to practice medicine in the United States, he passed down what he knew to his granddaughter. Chopra has memories from when she was young of her grandfather teaching her how to use a stethoscope and take blood pressure. 

When her grandfather had a stroke, Chopra decided she wanted to specialize in neurology. At University of California Los Angeles, Chopra studied neuroscience with the hope of someday going into pediatric neurology. 

In coming to YSM, Chopra said she was tasked with finding a new community far from Los Angeles, where she had always lived. Chopra said it was important to her to make connections with others, and she was humbled to be selected as a mental health peer advocate.

“I’ve been really big … on wanting to make connections with a lot of people in my class,” Chopra said. “Coming from LA, I had all my family there… so I’ve been used to having these huge networks of people that no matter what I could depend on … My first year here was really, really spent trying to foster that family for myself.”

Chopra explained that people come to her as a peer advocate for a wide variety of issues.

She outlined that these issues tend to fall into one of three buckets: academic stressors, struggles with personal life and what students see in the hospital.

“A lot of times we, as medical students, think that [what we see in the hospital] is part of being a student.” Chopra said. “But I think it’s actually just a really unique part of being a healthcare provider. I think that’s something that no one can really prepare you for. What happens when you walk into a patient’s room and feel like, ‘this could be my family?’ or ‘this could be me?’”

Chopra explained that she personally has had to grapple with this issue over this past year. According to her, YSM has amazing resources for academic stressors, but less help to support students with regards to what they see in the hospital. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Samiksha Chopra grappled with seeing a patient that reminded her of her late aunt.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photo Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_cn_TimTai_PhotographyEditor_18.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

Last year, Chopra’s aunt passed away from cancer. Her first year in medical school was full of trips back home to Los Angeles and to India to be with family. During the second half of a medical student’s first year at Yale, they are given a Medical Coach Experience, or MCE, to prepare them for exams and clinical rotations in their second year. 

For her MCE, Chopra was placed on the oncology floor a week after her aunt passed away. She recalled meeting a patient who was around the same age as her aunt and had children about the same age as her cousins.

“I remember just not knowing what to say, not knowing what to do,” Chopra said. “It was one of those things where I didn’t realize how hard her death had hit me until I saw that patient. I can’t even put into words how I felt at that moment, but that was really the moment where I realized something is wrong and I need to talk to someone about this.”

Chopra explained that it can be challenging to find support for this type of experience, since it is so specific to being a healthcare provider and can affect individuals differently. 

Social stressors are another component affecting medical student mental health, Chopra said. She explained that during this time period of life — typically mid-twenties —students experience social pressure to find long-term romantic relationships. This can also be especially stressful because when matched with residency programs at the end of their time in medical school, a student could be placed anywhere in the country and separated from their partner. 

Chopra said that within her medical school cohort, everyone is very supportive of each other’s goals. She explained that student affinity groups at YSM are a great way to make connections with other students. Chopra herself is involved in SAMoSA, the South Asian Medically-oriented Students Association.

Ilhan Gokhan MED ’27 is slightly farther down his path toward the MD-PhD than Chopra — he has completed two years of his MD and is currently working on the second year of his doctorate in Biomedical engineering. 

Gokhan always planned on getting a doctorate and going into industry work, but at the last minute of his undergraduate career at Duke, he decided to add the MD component for the human connection that comes with working with patients. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Ilhan Gokhan said that clerkship is an environment you are never completely prepared for.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photo Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_cn_TimTai_PhotographyEditor_05.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

So far, Gokhan said that his favorite aspect of working on the MD part of his degree was getting to know patients. He enjoyed hearing their stories beyond their illness and was interested in supporting them beyond just medical care.

While working on clerkships during the second year of his MD, Gokhan said he appreciated being the most junior person on a patient’s care team because he could learn from those around him. 

However, Gokhan explained that there is also a level of imposter syndrome that comes with being the least experienced, which can be “very hard and stressful” and lead to burnout. 

“It’s an environment you’re never totally prepared for because, for the first year and a half, you’re just in class learning all the physiology and pathophysiology,” Gokhan said. “And then you come to the wards, and it’s totally different. You may feel like you don’t belong or don’t know anything, and you kind of have to drink from a firehose while you’re taking care of patients.”

Completing a clerkship not only teaches students medical knowledge, but also how to effectively communicate good and bad news with patients. Gokhan said there are a lot of difficult conversations that have to happen every day as a medical provider, which can be taxing on mental health. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Julia Schaffer said that although medical students are allowed to take time off for mental health concerns, the academic workload and cultural environment dissuades them from doing so.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photo Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_cn_TimTai_PhotographyEditor_15.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

Schaffer’s interest in medicine grew throughout her time as an undergraduate at Cornell, where she studied chemistry. Originally from Stamford, Schaffer returned to Connecticut to attend medical school at Yale. 

She explained that the transition from undergraduate to medical school is the first time she grappled with the identity component of being a doctor.

“I feel like the year you are applying [to medical school,] you are selling yourself to all these schools by saying … ‘I want to be a doctor, that’s the person I want to be,’” Schaffer said. “In that time, my whole identity was kind of conflated into my identity as someone who is going to be in medicine. And then when you’re [at medical school]  you’re like, ‘Okay, I’m here, but how do I be doctor-like?’”

Medical school is the first time students are completely surrounded by their future, seeing their goals reflected in the doctors around them. Schaffer described that it is thorough exposure to what one’s life might be like after all their years of education.

This exposure can be intimidating at times, Schaffer noted. Clinical rotations, which are the short stints in different areas of medicine that all medical students participate in, place students alongside struggling residents working long shifts and night hours. 

“On rotations, every day you’re being evaluated … so you’re showing up every day and … you feel like you need to prove yourself,” Schaffer said. “So I think that it is kind of constantly swirling in your head like ‘Oh, did what I do seem confident enough? Did that seem appropriate?’” 

This high-stakes, high-pace culture also impacts the acceptability of taking time for mental health-related appointments and struggles. 

Schaffer explained that the YSM administration views mental health concerns as a form of chronic illness, and also makes it clear that students can take time off academically if needed. 

However, cultural permission, which Schaffer describes as “pressures that are felt but not always told,” may not be as easily granted. Additionally, Schaffer explained that taking time for oneself to do things you enjoy is not normalized in the cultural environment and structure of being a medical student.

“The onus tends to be on the student, in that we hear ‘You should be doing other things besides studying,’ ‘We want you to enjoy your life,’ ‘We want you to have fun,’ but the workload doesn’t change,” Schaffer said. “So, what am I supposed to do, fail? I think that a lot of times the message cannot be well represented in the culture, or the structure.”

Schaffer does acknowledge that there are excellent student, resident and faculty leaders working hard to shift this cultural climate. 

However, beyond cultural pressures, Scaffer explained that, as a medical student, there can also be internal pressure to feel like you must “love medicine all the time to justify all of the all that you have sacrificed.” Schaffer went on to describe that the sacrifices, hard work and debt that come with studying medicine can lead to an inner dialogue about being “in too deep,” and the impossibility of abandoning the medical career path.  

A deeper look into burnout

Benjamin Doolittle, professor of medicine at YSM, studies wellness and burnout. Doolittle defines burnout as a work-related syndrome with three components: emotional exhaustion, depersonalization and lack of accomplishment. 

Burnout can happen in any interpersonal space, but those working in medicine are especially susceptible, said Doolittle. Medical students, for example, are having many intense experiences that are novel to them. 

Furthermore, medical students are constantly stepping into new microcultures — such as clerkships — in order to learn different components of medicine, which Doolittle explained can make it difficult to form long-lasting bonds. 

“It’s a perfect setup for burnout in that sense because [medical students] are rapid cycling through all these different experiences, and [they are] on this very steep learning curve,” Doolittle said.

Despite this, Doolittle emphasized that the medical school experience can affect different individuals in very unique ways. The collaboration and shared purpose that come with working on a medical team is one reason some people thrive, he explained.  

According to Doolittle, based on previous studies, burnout affects about 50 percent of doctors and medical students, and this figure has remained relatively stable over time. In a recent study conducted by Doolittle, residents and doctors were interviewed to determine what leads to life satisfaction when working in medicine. 

In this study, five dimensions were found to be associated with thriving physicians: love for the work, enjoyment from being with patients, social connectedness and value-based commitments to medicine and autonomy. 

The final component of autonomy relates to having control over one’s schedule but does not encompass work-life balance. Doolittle explained that doctors who are not suffering from burnout do not necessarily have work-life balance, but do have a career of richness — meaning it is composed of many components that bring the doctor joy. Some examples include teaching and working on a committee.

“I wonder if work-life balance is a false dichotomy,” Doolittle said. “In other words, when we set that up, it makes it sound like you have your life, and that’s good, and that your work is not good. But guess what, most of our waking hours are spent working, so wouldn’t it be nice if our work environment was a rich, thoughtful, stimulating time?”

To counteract burnout, students should strive to achieve those five components. Interestingly, in Doolittle’s study, it was found that residents tended to value good leadership over autonomy, and Doolittle explained that this may be the same case for students. 

YSM programming

YSM recently launched a pilot Student Mental Health & Wellness Program with the goal of increasing the accessibility of mental health services for medical students. Short-term mental health consultation and intervention are provided through the program, and students will be directed to other resources if long-term treatment is needed. 

The program is facilitated by Kathlene Tracy, a clinical psychologist, Sundari Birdsall, a wellness counselor and Lisa Ho, a social worker who also manages the program.

“When medical students develop positive wellness habits during their training years, they tend to stick with them when entering the field which can help prevent and reduce burnout and impairment in their careers,” wrote Tracy, Birdsall and Ho in a joint statement to the News. 

The program is designed to be especially accessible to student schedules. The meeting hours of Tracy, Birdsall and Ho extend into the evenings and weekends. Since the program is embedded within the medical school itself, it is designed to be approachable for students who may not have received mental health treatment in the past. 

Tracy, Birdsall and Ho also shared that 75 percent of students that signed up for one-on-one clinical sessions were students of color. 

“The data reflects that the students of color who used the program last year had a specific need that was possibly unaddressed in years prior,” wrote Ho. “Research suggests that due to their intersecting identities, medical students of color must navigate additional stressors.”

Students often approach the program with stressors surrounding transitions, such as going into medical school or clerkship. Struggles they have raised also include facets mentioned by Schaffer, Chopra and Gokhan, such as self-confidence and imposter syndrome. 

The statement explained that programs specific to medical student wellness are important because medical students face unique stressors. 

“One unique way the program approaches thinking about medical students’ mental health is to conceptualize these students as having unique ‘occupational hazards’ that accompany their work, such as the risk of needle sticks and blood-borne pathogens,” wrote Tracy, Birdsall and Ho in the statement. “These factors along with the exposure to human suffering and death, high patient workloads/shift work, among other factors, put medical students’ physical health at risk, and affect students’ mental health.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”The School of Medicine recently launched a pilot Student Mental Health & Wellness Program.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photo Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/medschool_stock_TimTai_PhotographyEditor_2.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

Tracy, Birdsall and Ho employ different techniques to engage and treat students. 

Tracy developed the 30-day Wellness Challenge for students at YSM after seeking input from medical students on the Committee on Wellbeing of Students. 

The Committee on Well-Being of Students, which Schaffer is a part of, is a resource that focuses primarily on wider-reaching initiatives in comparison to the peer advocate program, such as well-being events and student mental health advocacy.

“Sometimes students want to bounce ideas around or have support in processing and other times they need help addressing more chronic issues managing psychiatric Conditions,” Tracy wrote.

Birdsall often suggests that students use apps for wellness because these apps can easily be implemented into busy schedules. Ho uses a value-based approach to help students suffering from anxiety and stress consider why medicine is meaningful to them as individuals. 

Ho also mentioned that the program includes easy-to-access events — such as yoga and meditation classes led by Birdsall — so students who might feel a stigma about engaging with mental health services can “dip their toe in wellness.”

Chopra addressed this stigma as well, explaining that there is a lot of work to be done in shifting attitudes regarding seeking out mental health resources. 

“We hear stories of medical students who were discriminated against during residency application cycles for disclosing that they have sought out mental health care,” wrote Chopra. “Other stories of residents being forced against their preference to go on extended leave (years +) for mental health crises further perpetuate our fears … the threat of retaliation is enough for many students to go through great lengths to either hide or forgo their need for care.”

Chopra emphasized that those who seek out help should not be seen as weak, but rather strong and resilient for acknowledging their limits in a field plagued by burnout.  

Furthermore, Chopra noted that medical schools are in a unique position to encourage this shift in outlook, as students build the foundation for their future careers.

“We are responsible for learning so much in a short period of time that we skip over the equally important skill of learning how to care for oneself,” wrote Chopra.

She emphasized that YSM is working to better provide mental health resources and support. However, she still hopes to see a resource or space specifically catered towards the trauma and concerns triggered by exposure to patients with stories that mirror the students’ own experiences.

Chopra said that this could be accomplished by providing peer support sessions tailored towards the topic, or grief counseling sessions specific to healthcare providers.

“Our vision is to enhance Yale School of Medicine’s positive learning environment by augmenting ease of access to mental health services and bolstering available student wellness support,” wrote John Francis, YSM associate dean for student affairs. “We will continue to utilize creative ways of increasing regular awareness of the program thereby growing utilization.” 

Gokhan said that it is difficult to express what changes he hopes to see more specifically than “more programs, more diverse providers, more access,” because the challenges facing the mental health of students and healthcare workers are emblematic of the entire United States healthcare system. 

Schaffer explained that a major barrier to student utilization of the resources is the culture of medicine itself, which encourages complete devotion to the field even in the face of great personal challenges.

This culture can model to students that in order to be a better doctor, more sacrifices must be made, according to Schaffer. If the choice is between studying or going to therapy, Schaffer said that students will feel pressure to choose to study. 

“The more that those above us in the hierarchy of medical training applaud – rather than look down upon – trainees’ efforts to maintain wellbeing, the more likely students may be to seek support, even if it means they have to sacrifice an hour of studying per week,” Schaffer wrote.

The Yale School of Medicine was founded in 1810. 

UP CLOSE | The boss’ boss

[raw num=”1″ align=”stretch”]

[bylines]

Tennessee, country tunes and typical pleasantries were among the points of conversation in a four-minute phone call between Victor Ashe ’67 and University President Peter Salovey two springs ago. 

Ashe, the former mayor of Knoxville, Tennessee and United States ambassador to Poland who was running for a coveted spot on the Yale Corporation, had qualified as one of the first petition candidates on the ballot in 18 years. Salovey had called to inform Ashe that he had lost the election and then had a short, polite conversation with him.

A mere four hours later, Catherine Bond Hill GRD ’85, then the senior trustee for the Yale Corporation, issued a public statement announcing that the petition process by which Ashe and other alumni pursued a seat on the board had been terminated — which meant that alumni could no longer vie for membership on the Board of Trustees without first receiving nomination from the Yale Alumni Fellow Nominating Committee. Salovey knew all about the decision, Ashe claimed, but didn’t have the “fortitude or the decency” to tell him during that call.

“When he called me that day to tell me that I did not win, he had at the same time orchestrated [the termination], and the Corporation met in secret without conferring with anyone,” Ashe said. 

Salovey did not respond to a request for comment on his interactions with Ashe.

Ashe would not have the chance to speak with the president again until last May, when he returned to campus for his 55th class year reunion. At a Timothy Dwight College dinner event, Ashe approached Salovey. The former mayor had a 10-minute conversation with Salovey, who told him that the effort to eliminate the alumni petition process came from the Corporation, not himself.

But Ashe believes “that sort of dodges the issue” since Salovey chairs the Corporation meetings. 

“He’s a leading member of the Corporation,” Ashe said. “That didn’t happen without his involvement. I mean, to suggest that somebody else on the board was behind it is duplicitous. It’s disingenuous.”

In December, Connecticut superior court judge John Burns Farley allowed a formal complaint that Ashe and Donald Glascoff ’67 filed against Yale to move forward. The complaint claimed breach of contract, arguing that the University had failed to uphold legal obligations to alumni. 

When Ashe and Glascoff refer to “Yale” in their lawsuit, they are referring to the Yale Corporation, the University’s board of trustees. But Yale and Harvard University are unique in that they are the only two American universities for whom the university president also serves as chair of the board. Both alumni admitted that they had no idea how much influence Salovey had in the actual decision making process, given the secrecy of the proceedings. 

“That’s the case here,” Glascoff, a legal attorney, said. “Certainly, President Salovey has to satisfy his boss. His boss is the trustees and [he has] to keep them advised and thoroughly involved in the process of running the institution.”

Salovey’s role is to serve as a conduit between the campus community and the trustees. On the other hand, Salovey’s fellow 16 trustees — who include corporate CEOs, government officials and presidents of other universities — advise him on most pressing decisions, from endowment investments to high budget developments. Their meetings, held behind closed doors, remain secret for 50 years. While Salovey is expected to make the final decisions, the trustees retain the ability to appoint — and fire — a sitting president.

In the last few years, the Yale Corporation has become a target of public criticism, especially by students and alumni. Ashe and Glascoff’s lawsuit, which will move forward this year, is joined by a January referendum put forth by the Yale College Council where an overwhelming majority of undergraduate students voted to democratize trustee elections. 

As students and alumni search for accountability at Yale’s highest ranks of leadership, many have expressed confusion over Salovey’s role behind the closed doors of Yale’s most powerful governing body. The News spoke to 20 alumni, students, faculty, administrators and trustees familiar with the University about the evolving dynamic between the Yale President and the Corporation. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”The current members of Yale’s board of trustees.” credit=”Courtesy of Yale University” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_wp_CourtesyOfYaleUniversity.jpeg.jpg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

No surprises

“I can’t think of a time in which the trustees took over in a sense, and told the President this is the way it’s going to be and then they announced it,” said Henry “Sam” Chauncey ’57, a longtime administrator at Yale who served as University Secretary from 1963 to 1977 under former Yale president Kingman Brewster Jr. “It’s just unique.”

The basic philosophy, Chauncey said, was that the person who runs an institution knows that institution best. He added that if a board initiated a proposal for a course of action that the president did not like, the president would quit.

Chauncey described a historical relationship between the president and the trustees that is very different from the one that exists today. Once in the 1960s, Brewster asked the board of trustees to review his performance for the previous several years of his presidency. Brewster wanted to confirm that the board had confidence in him, Chauncey said, even though the president already had popular support from the students and the faculty. 

“The board said, ‘No, we don’t do that’,” Chauncey told the News. “When you’re appointed the president of Yale, you have the job.”

But Brewster threatened to resign if the board did not follow his instruction — so the trustees folded, and set up a “really elaborate six month process of reviewing the president.” The results came back with a “stunningly positive review” from everyone except alumni, given his relatively progressive University policy at the time.

That good faith dynamic appeared to be University policy for several decades until the late 20th century.

Former University President Richard Levin, Salovey’s predecessor, told the News that the Corporation had a “lot of anxiety” when he took office in 1993. 

Faculty unhappiness over budget cuts, dated infrastructure and a precarious relationship between Yale and New Haven had intensified over the 1980s and 1990s before Levin took office. A murder on campus and high crime rates in the surrounding city, Levin added, all contributed to the sense that Yale’s leadership needed to make changes and needed to make them fast.

While Levin said the corporation had “taken a risk on a young president” when they selected him, they didn’t stop there. The trustees also made several large-scale reforms to their own role in University governance, many of which survive to this day. The Corporation began to develop policies that would make them more involved, Levin said. They wanted to make sure there were “no surprises” when it came to developments on campus, good or bad.  

“The motivation for this was that the Corporation had failed after my predecessor left,” Levin said. “That they had really not been aware of the magnitude of the problems on campus and that they wanted to be better informed.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Former Yale President Richard Levin.” credit=”Yale Daily News” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_wp_YaleDailyNews.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Levin would organize an executive session during every Corporation meeting, when he would speak to the trustees and update them on campus developments. He looped them in during early stages of development, rather than presenting policies or initiatives that were already “fully worked out.” But as Levin grew into the role, Corporation members expressed their faith in his judgment and took a more hands-off approach to his decision-making.

“Rick had been there for many, many years when I came onto the Corporation,” Francisco Cigarroa, a former trustee who served in the last three years of Levin’s presidency and the first three years of Salovey’s tenure, said. “He certainly had formed a lot of experience underneath him and had established a lot of trust with the board and so, you know, the board gave him a lot of leeway.”

When University leadership discussed timing for the construction of Benjamin Franklin and Pauli Murray Colleges, Levin said that many members of the corporation were “very eager to expand” and thus preferred for those schools to be built sooner than later.

Levin disagreed, and after a “push and pull” between him and the board, the project was delayed for several years. The University did not yet have the financial resources to “do it right,” Levin said, so he resisted moving forward.

Under Levin, the general consensus was that the trustees were not decision makers. To most, their job appeared to be counseling, shaping, advising and supporting the president, including on issues of governance. When Levin stepped down in 2013, the trustees expressed a desire to be more involved in difficult decisions when they considered Salovey as the university’s next president.

It’s difficult to succeed a highly successful president such as Levin, Cigarroa told the News. The presidential search committee, which included Cigarroa, saw two notable attributes in Salovey. First, he had heavy experience in administrative positions, including as Yale’s provost, dean of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences and dean of Yale College. 

Second, Cigarroa said, Salovey “brought in a different personality.” As a social psychologist in the classroom and a clinical psychologist in the field, Salovey’s “human leadership” caught the attention of the Board.

“Compared to the candidates that we were interviewing, certainly he was able to connect with the trustees and with people he met better than most,” Cigarroa said.

And indeed he did. After a unanimous Corporation vote, Salovey was inaugurated as the 23rd president of Yale in October 2013.

“I’m a first year, just like you!” newly appointed University President Peter Salovey proclaimed to a crowd of incoming Yale first-year students that same year, a grin on his face.

Salovey enters the scene

“Those first couple of years were difficult,” Nancy Better ’84, a longtime fundraising chair for the University and capital campaign co-chair, said.

She was referring to a string of campus controversies, many of which related to racial tensions, that began in 2015.

Two years into his presidency, Salovey became a polarizing figure. In 2015, former Head of Silliman College Nicholas Christakis and Associate Head Erika Christakis faced student backlaxsh after the latter sent out an email dismissing concern over cultural appropriation in Halloween costumes. Salovey received criticism first, for his handling of the incident, and then for siding with the Christakis. 

Roughly 200 undergraduate students marched to Salovey’s home on Hillhouse Avenue to protest institutional racism at Yale. They pointed out two things: one, that Salovey’s first campus wide email since the Christakis controversy outlined an initiative to tackle tobacco use on campus, and two, that Salovey’s later email addressing the scandal spoke about affirming students’ freedom of speech instead of racial tensions at Yale.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Salovey listens as students protest outside his home in 2015.” credit=”Kaifeng Wu” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_wp_KaifengWu-scaled.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

But this was not the only criticism Yale faced at the time. That year, students demanded that Calhoun College be renamed — it is now known as Grace Hopper College — and that the title “master” be abolished — it has now been replaced as “head of college.”

In that same 2015 interview with the News, Salovey said that decisions about renaming and naming residential colleges fall under the domain of the Yale Corporation.

When it came to the Calhoun renaming, the News reported in 2015 that Salovey and the other 16 members of the Yale Corporation spent seven months deliberating over whether to rename Calhoun College and eliminate the title of master. In April 2016, Salovey announced that the college would not be renamed — only to reverse that decision 10 months later.

University stakeholders were unhappy with the extended process that was required to make a final decision. A  2019 News investigation found that major donors were doubtful of Salovey’s ability to effectively lead the University through a fundraising campaign because of his handling of the Calhoun renaming. 

Trustees who were in the room during the Calhoun deliberations described Salovey’s decision-making process as very collaborative. Hill told the News that when she became a trustee, Salovey was determined to engage the trustees in Corporation meetings when it came to large issues.

“He seemed very open and honest and engaged with the board,” Hill said.

Paul Joskow GRD ’72, who served as a trustee from 2008 to 2020, said that Salovey can recognize mistakes, and is willing to engage in consultation and collaboration to correct those mistakes.

“He recognizes that an autocratic leadership style is an unsuccessful approach,” Joskow said.

Salovey has prioritized collaboration in his dealings with the Corporation. The three trustees who spoke to the News for this story all independently attested to Salovey’s ability to listen empathetically. 

Chauncey said that during the Griswold and Brewster administrations, presidents typically tried to personally bond with the trustees to foster a good working dynamic.

“That makes for a really good relationship, because if you disagree with a friend, that can be usually done much more effectively than if you disagree with someone you don’t like,” Chauncey said.

In this respect, Salovey has conducted himself similarly to his predecessors. When Cigarroa was a trustee in the early years of his presidency, he would enjoy dinners with Salovey and his wife, Marta Moret. Cigarroa added that Salovey was easy to connect with on a human level, a sentiment shared by many of those who were interviewed by the News. 

“He has a way of making people very comfortable,” said Randy Nelson ’85, a co-chair of the Yale Development Council. “I think it’s just generally, people like to be understood and heard. They like to feel that they’re important and Peter has a way of making everybody feel important.”

In describing his dynamic with the Corporation, Salovey says that when it comes to managing the University’s day-to-day operations, he often reports a decision to the trustees “that has already been made.” But when it comes to governance, or processes by which issues will be decided or voted upon, he will tend to “lay out options” and “be receptive to their feedback.” 

“My experience as a psychologist … helps me try to understand the vantage point and perspective by which a trustee or a group of trustees might be coming [from], particularly if they disagree with me,” Salovey said.

One of the 17

By the time that Ashe vied for a Corporation seat in 2021, many former University leaders had already made note that, following Salovey’s inauguration, the dynamic between the president and the Corporation had appeared to have drastically changed.

The perception that Salovey was merely a voice at the table instead of the Corporation’s final decision-maker only became more prevalent among students and alumni in light of the trustees’ decision following Ashe’s failed election.

“I write on behalf of the Yale Board of Trustees to inform you of a change to the process for electing Alumni Fellows to the board,” Hill, the senior trustee at the time, wrote in a letter addressed to alumni in May 2021. 

She said that the petition process had recently been embraced by candidates who had particular issues or reforms in mind, which current trustees found incompatible with their goal. 

“It is because Yale’s fiduciaries must represent the interests of the university above their own or those of any backers that we find the prospect of cause-based elections so troubling,” Hill said.

Ashe was largely backed by the William F. Buckley program, a political group which claims to advocate for free speech on campus and receives financial support from high profile conservative donors. 

Hill added that there was concern that elections would “discourage many qualified and desirable candidates” from accepting a nomination, citing politicization and a costly campaigning process as barriers to entry. She acknowledged that there would be some who would “object to this decision” but felt confident the board was correct.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Woodbridge Hall.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photo Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_wp_TimTai_PhotographyEditor_05.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Michael Poliakoff ’75, a Yale alumnus who also serves as president of the American Council of Trustees and Alumni, told the News that he was “absolutely appalled” by the petition vote for two reasons. He said that it reflects what he calls the Board’s fear of diverse voices that have not been “vetted carefully” who could challenge the status quo.

“It’s as if the existing board is saying that we’re … just people who wave a handkerchief at reunions and sing ‘God, country and Yale’, and then start waving the checkbooks,” Poliakoff said of himself and other alumni.

Chauncey could not recall any announcement in which a senior trustee announced a decision to the Yale community ever being made in any presidency that he has been involved in at Yale since the 1950s.

Salovey defended the board’s decision, explaining that there was an important group within the board of trustees that “grapples with issues of governance” — the trusteeship committee. The president is not a voting member of that committee, but Salovey said that he attends those meetings as a “source of information,” noting that he votes in the final Corporation decision.

When it came to the decision to terminate the alumni petition process, Salovey said that he agreed with Hill’s concerns that she vocalized to the Yale community but that he had no special vote when it came to the final decision. He was only “one of the 17 [members]” when it came to that decision, Salovey said.

Salovey did not confirm how he himself voted.

Students call for change

It was Kyle Hovannesian ’25, a Berkeley College undergraduate senator, who first sparked the idea to advocate for change in the structure of the Yale Corporation through the undergraduate representative body. 

Hovannesian, with a group of other student senators, wrote a letter to the trustees raising concern over alleged lack of transparency and community input in its decision making process. It was unlikely the Corporation would support democratization of trustee elections, Hovannesian said, but he also included in the letter what he thought were some other less significant and “pretty reasonable requests” for reform which he believed would give the trustees greater access to student input.

The Yale College Council held their referendum in January. They asked two questions: “Should the board of trustees for Yale Corporation consist of democratically elected trustees?” and “Should students, professors, and staff be eligible to vote for candidates for the board of trustees for Yale Corporation?” 

The vote was overwhelmingly yes on both, with over 2,000 students voting in the affirmative — 90 percent of those who voted. As a result of the referendum results, the letter Hovannesian wrote was approved by the Senate on Feb. 5, and submitted to Salovey on Feb. 6.

Hovannesian told the News that he was disappointed with Salovey’s response to the letter. The president did not respond to any of the six recommendations, he said. 

Salovey also did not publicly address the concerns raised by the results of the referendum. 

“I feel like people didn’t really know what happened with the referendum,” Hovannesian said. “Like what was the point of it?”

But while the administration provided little response to students’ concerns, the referendum itself received wide media attention. A week after the referendum, the editorial board of the Wall Street Journal published an opinion piece entitled “Make Yale Democratic Again.”

“It seems the wealthier American universities get — Yale’s endowment is $41.4 billion — the less open they are to different voices,” the op-ed read. “At a time when it’s become fashionable to cast any political disagreement as a ‘threat to democracy,’ some of the institutions that trumpet democracy the loudest don’t mind undermining it in their own governance.”

Still, Hovannesian cautiously avoids putting the blame on Salovey for his response to the letter. 

“I don’t want to criticize his leadership because I don’t really know what else he could have done,” Hovannesian said. “Because his boss at the end of the day is the board of trustees. So he’s not going to anger them and lose his position, essentially.”

Salovey, now

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Yale President Peter Salovey.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photo Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_wp_TimTai_PhotographyEditor_06-scaled.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Salovey told the News that the culture among the Yale Corporation is to “try to support the decision that the leadership of the University wants to make,” backing him and the rest of his cabinet. But he also noted in interviews with the News that it can be difficult to make everyone at the University happy with every decision.

He added that the trustees are currently in discussion on how they can be more responsive to student input, which he believes will lead to “novel opportunities” for Yale students to interact with the Corporation. 

“I think over time, as a leader, I’ve become better at making sure that everyone at the table, whatever that table is… has an opportunity to weigh in, is listened to, and their ideas are taken seriously,” Salovey said.

However, only 16 people at that table have the ability to fire him.

2023 marks Salovey’s 10th year as president of Yale University.

UP CLOSE | Dwindling returns

[raw num=”1″ align=”stretch”]

[bylines]

If anyone knows a scholarship success story, it is Rori Reiswig ’25. Starting in eighth grade, after being nominated as a scholar for the pre-college program, she knew that she would have a high chance of winning the Jack Kent Cooke College Scholarship later on in high school. And she did. 

A first-generation, low-income college student — and now a Cooke scholar — she earned $55,000 in annual scholarships for three years of undergraduate studies on top of the full financial aid package Yale provided her as a student whose family earns less than $75,000 annually.

This dual coverage comes with qualifications, though. The Cooke Scholarship only sends Reiswig $3,700 to pay her “student share,” a standardized University estimate for the cost of books and personal expenses and the number all Yale students on financial aid — even those receiving a 100 percent aid package — are expected to contribute to their education. This number does not appear in the term bill. Most large scholarship funds like Cooke are conscious about only providing funding for fees that the financial aid of colleges does not already cover. In Reiswig’s case, Yale would already pay for her tuition, room, board and activities expenses, so Cooke refrained from sending more than $3,700. 

If they were to give Reiswig the full $55,000, Yale would use the scholarship money instead of their own to fund Reiswig’s term bill, which would allow the University to grant more financial aid money to other students. 

This process by which a University replaces their own financial aid funding with outside scholarships is called scholarship displacement. Universities may displace scholarships for the same reason that outside scholarship funds limit their awards to students already receiving 100 percent financial aid packages from their schools — both want to cover tuition for the maximum number of students.

What was surprising was that a lot of the scholarships, colleges and students we worked with did not know about these policies,” Sbeydeh Viveros-Walton, a leader in higher education policy and equity and a director at the nonprofit Public Advocates, said. “Financial aid is something that has a lot of digression, and educating everyone is an ongoing journey.” 

In recent decades, displacement has garnered national scrutiny for the impact it has on financial aid, particularly for first-generation, low-income students. While the overwhelming case is that colleges and scholarship funds share a vested interest in ensuring that first-generation and low-income students can afford an education, ignorance of the nuanced relationship between internal college awards and external grants on all fronts in the higher education system — as well as varying levels of privilege across the nation’s colleges — can prevent students from taking full advantage of the external aid they receive. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Rori Reiswig ’25, a neuroscience major at Yale completing a certificate in education studies, is the recipient of the Jack Kent Cooke Scholarship.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photography Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_bz_TimTai_PhotoEditor_13.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

The refund

Mandated reporting of scholarships to colleges is a result of individual college policies, not federal law or regulations. The only legal requirement on the national level is reporting the taxable portion of an external scholarship, anything in excess of tuition and mandatory fees, to the Internal Revenue Service. 

At Yale, students may be required to complete a Family Information Supplement form after matriculation, which includes a section on outside awards, following matriculation — and for students receiving Yale financial aid, expected outside awards are either indicated in the Yale financial aid application or through a separate Outside Scholarship/Resource Information form. 

Full-aid students like Reiswig who receive outside grants equivalent to or above $3,700 may allocate excess scholarship funds for their $3,700 student share. Along with travel costs, the student share is one of the aspects of a student’s package that is not a direct payment to the University — and it is also the section that outside scholarships contribute to if a student is already on a Yale full ride. Comparatively, a higher-income student who is not receiving aid from the University but has outside awards will have that funding first go toward covering the total cost of attendance and the parent share — and only toward the student share if there is any amount from the award leftover.

For Reiswig, this allocation of scholarships to the student share produces an annual $3,700 refund that appears in the student’s personal accounts, if the option to refund “everything” is selected. Theoretically, the refund is supposed to be applied for those aforementioned indirect costs, but many put it toward travel or other means.

Some full aid students argue that the application of external scholarships, especially those that specifically accept applications from low-income students, should delve beyond the student share to yield a more considerable refund, therefore expanding coverage to accommodate expenses that are not as easily anticipated in a student’s internal aid package.

Lusangelis Ramos ’25, a QuestBridge student receiving multiple outside awards, has to plan out her finances so she can afford necessary medical care for her mental health and chronic conditions, something that she said her “full ride” from Yale does not take into consideration. 

“Disabled people like me are more likely to be low income than non-disabled people,” she said. “As someone that seems to have endless health problems, I am in contact with Yale Health a lot and I have to pay for my Yale Health copays out of pocket.”

In the United States, adults with disabilities live in poverty at over twice the rate of adults without disabilities — 27 percent versus 12 percent. A 2018 article in “Inquiry: the Journal of Health Care Organization, Provision, and Financing” also found that the average annual health cost for a person with a disability is almost five times that of a person without a disability, and that out-of-pocket costs are more than double, at $1,053 versus $486. 

As a student receiving several outside scholarships, Ramos emphasized that there is the added layer of challenge that comes with communicating between all her organizations to ensure that only the necessary amount is sent to Yale to avoid displacement.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Lusangelis Ramos ’25, a QuestBridge scholar, explained that her financial aid package from Yale does not provide ample coverage for her chronic health challenges.” credit=”Gavin Guerrette, Photography Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/Up_Close_BZ___Gavin_Guerrette___Photo_Editor-08-scaled.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

For example, if a low-income student on a full ride from Yale also receives two outside scholarships of $5,000 each per year — for a total of $10,000 — the student will receive an expected refund of $3,700, and the remaining difference of $6,300 goes into reducing or “displacing” a student’s existing financial aid package, which is paid for through internal grants, institutional endowment and alumni donations. The same student would receive the same amount of money if they had asked only one of their scholarship organizations to send Yale $3,700. In the second scenario, however, the scholarship organizations themselves would not lose any money and may then allocate those excess funds to another student. 

Many scholarship distributors, such as the Asian Pacific Islander American Scholarship, Jack Kent Cooke Foundation and the Hispanic Scholarship Fund, send out surveys that request their students’ academic and financial standing for every year that the scholarship could be viably renewed. The questions on these surveys intend to assess what recipients need covered. For Yale students, this may amount to the student share and any additional costs that students have to pay out of pocket. 

The colleges’ perspective

As scholarship organizers defend students who they believe are being undermined in their educational efforts and intensive scholarship searches, colleges argue that displacement permits reallocation of resources to students with greater need and who did not receive external aid. At Yale, the average aid package for students on aid exceeds $67,000, and the number of admitted students receiving Pell Grants has climbed steadily over the years. 

“Our policy is that outside scholarships may replace the standard student share, which is $3,700 for all undergraduate students,” Alexander Muro, the interim director of the Yale Office of Undergraduate Financial Aid, wrote in a statement to the News.

At Yale, students on full aid who receive large external scholarships may apply up to $2,500 toward a one-time technology grant after their scholarships cover the $3,700 student share, he added. 

Referencing the previous example of the college student receiving two outside scholarships, each for $5,000 annually, they may at one point apply $2,500 in outside aid toward a new computer, pair of headphones or tablet, using $6,200 of the total $10,000. The remaining difference of $3,800 would still go toward reducing the student’s aid package from Yale if the student reported the scholarships to Yale.

It is important to note that the technology grant and student share coverage from external scholarships is liable to taxation. According to Muro, all grants and scholarships “in excess of tuition and mandatory fees are considered taxable income.” While students do not have to pay taxes on scholarships that cover tuition, costs such as the student share and room and board do not fall under the “mandatory fees” category, so external scholarships used to pay for those expenses are taxable. 

The University offers limited support for students navigating taxation. Muro said that he is not a tax professional and is thus unable to provide in-depth tax advice. 

When Reiswig asked representatives from the Financial Aid Office about what parts of her financial aid were taxable, she was told to speak to a professional in the area. The Yale Student Employment website affirms that while there is no personal assistance at Yale for students filing taxes, the local IRS office located at 150 Court Street can assist students in preparing returns. 

“I don’t understand exactly what we’re supposed to pay taxes on and what we’re not, so I will be submitting my documents and hoping for the best,” Reiswig wrote in an email to the News. “I understand if they’re not legally allowed to give tax advice, as was the implication of their comments, but it would be really helpful if they gave students a [more comprehensive] list of resources … to help us navigate.”

Safety Net

University policy requires students submit a receipt to receive the $2,500 technology award. Other financial aid supports such as the winter clothing grant offered at the Yale College Dean’s Office and Safety Net, an emergency funding option through the Yale College Dean’s Office, follow a similar model. Students must first pay for an item out of pocket and then submit an official receipt for reimbursement. For students who cannot immediately afford the overhead cost, this is a burden. 

Reiswig explained that this delayed reimbursement usually isn’t an issue, but that more time-sensitive expenditures can exceed what a student can afford, especially for individuals who lack the capacity to pay for large costs. The process has created difficulty, for example, for low-income students moving off-campus — since refunds can arrive much later than deadlines for security deposits.

“I’m lucky to be in a position where I don’t have to worry about navigating many different scholarship sources and how they come together, but I would say that my greatest challenge has been with the timing of the refund,” Reiswig added. “Yale’s estimated travel cost doesn’t include getting to college in the fall, and I don’t usually receive my [$3,700] refund until a few weeks into the school year. It can be difficult getting what I need at the beginning of the year before it comes in.”

Reiswig is not alone. For students like Harvey Lloyd Picar ’25, a roundtrip airline ticket to his home in Hawaii runs up to hundreds of dollars and can cost close to a thousand when booked at the last minute. When his sister, Harlene, suddenly passed away in October 2022, Picar had to travel back and forth from Hawaii several times while fall semester was still in session. 

Picar, who receives both full aid and a Gates Scholarship, turned to a representative from the Yale Financial Aid Office to see whether his scholarship could fund his travel home. The official told Picar that while he could request coverage, he would not receive the funding until the following year. 

But Picar needed the money right away. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”After the unexpected loss of his sister, Harvey Lloyd Picar ’25 encountered difficulty receiving immediate support from his external scholarship.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photography Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_bz_TimTai_PhotoEditor_08.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Ultimately asking a cousin to cover his first round trip between New Haven and Hawaii. Then he learned about the University’s Safety Net program, which covered the full cost of his second trip home — this time, to attend Harlene’s funeral. For “emergency” requests, Safety Net reimburses funds within 24 hours. Between 2018 and 2019, around half of all requests were resolved with funding or a loan of equipment. 

The funding arrived at a critical moment for Picar, who suggested that outside scholarships should consider a similar model for supporting first-generation, low-income students through unexpected expenses, especially if scholarship displacement prevents students from otherwise taking full advantage of their resources. 

Some students have not had nearly as successful of an experience with Safety Net, but agree that its support is a fast solution to immediate problems confronting low-income students whose financial backgrounds lack the stability of higher-income households. As an individual with chronic health conditions, Ramos wished that either her “full ride” from the University or the Safety Net could cover her medical visits. 

“Essentially a situation that I have encountered is being denied Safety Net funding and being explicitly told that it’s because I had already received significant funding via Gates or outside scholarships,” Gates scholar and first-generation, low-income student Kimberly Wenceslao ’23 wrote to the News, recalling a time when she requested funding after her laptop had broken down. “Definitely understand their stance … [but] my expected family contribution was zero and I’m from California, so a big part of my refund was already used for flights.”

Safety Net’s email to Wenceslao revealed that its assessment of her situation was completed in conjunction with Undergraduate Financial Aid — and that her financial standing, though “indeed challenging,” was stronger than her peers who were being considered for this limited fund. The document then stated that the “limited fund” would be subsequently used for students who have “lesser access to university funds or personal resources.” 

Senior Associate Dean of Yale College Burgwell Howard reiterated this position in a February interview with the News. 

“In general, there are no hard criteria for which requests receive Safety Net support, as the details of each request and each student’s situation are different,” Howard said. “The driving factor in these requests is generally demonstrated financial need, and even among FGLI and non-low income students there is great variance in people’s financial situation. So, we seek to address the most critical and unanticipatable issues and expenses as quickly as we can, with input from Undergraduate Financial Aid and other key stakeholders who may have information or input.”

Muro affirmed that the Financial Aid considers outside scholarships — and the refunds derived from them — when determining Safety Net requests. However, he explained that the “mere presence” of outside scholarships is not an immediate disqualifier for Safety Net funding, due to the “holistic” nature of the evaluation. 

He added that the team makes a distinction between outside scholarship monies already received by the University versus those in a pending status, “since the former is immediately available and [the FA office] only mentions refunds if one is available.” This difference can cause students to not be aware of a credit balance on their account or the means to access a refund, but it is something that the office can guide students through, Muro said. 

While grateful for the refunds that Gates provides, Wenceslao agreed with Ramos that the perception of outside scholarships conferring “significant funding” for low-income students with a full Yale scholarship can be a distorted one. She suggested that heightened communication between students and donor organizations may open other avenues of use for excess outside aid — and looked back on a point when her family’s expected family contribution had exceeded $0, resulting in an unexpected and significantly reduced refund from Yale. 

For Wenceslao, the first-generation, low-income experience is continuous and fluctuating — and these moments have only attested to that. As a second-term senior reflecting on her time here at the University, she has found a way to see value in everything from the frequently difficult communications with administration to the hours spent pouring over family finances thousands of miles away from her California home. 

The struggle against displacement, and the consideration of privilege 

The road to maximizing the utility of external awards is far from over, but efforts have been promising. As a result of displacement, some scholarship organizations allow students who will already have their education subsidized by their universities to withhold accepting their scholarship funds until that money is useful. 

Oscar Sweeten-Lopez, the leader of the Dell Scholars Program, announced in 2017 that its scholarships will give students experiencing scholarship displacement the choice to defer their funds until they graduate, when they can collect all their funds at once and pay off loans or attend graduate school. 

“One piece of advice that I give students who will likely experience displacement is to ask their outside scholarship provider if they could defer their scholarship to a later year in undergrad — as freshmen tend to have more generous packages — or [to] graduate school,” agreed Senior Financial Programs and Scholarship Director Nadja Jepsen of College Track, an education nonprofit that supports underserved students through college scholarships and mentorship.

According to Jepsen, who credited her own ability to obtain a graduate degree to an outside grant, the decision of whether to permit fund deferral is largely based on a scholarship’s mission statement. For example, she said that if a scholarship supports first-generation students earning a bachelor’s degree, they would likely be less receptive to deferring funds to graduate school education. Nonetheless, she urges students to research scholarship providers and the specific colleges that they plan on attending.

During her time working with students as a scholarship provider, Jepsen observed that private colleges tend to be more flexible with their institutional aid than public universities. 

The full tuition coverage that low-income students receive at many of the nation’s top colleges is rare; schools like Yale and Dartmouth College have eliminated loans from their financial aid award packages, guaranteeing students whose families fall under a certain income threshold a debt-free college education. 

The same does not hold true for financially disadvantaged students at public, state or even private colleges with smaller endowments. In fact, over the past decade, many schools have raised tuition prices for families on the lower end of the socioeconomic spectrum at a higher rate than those on the higher end, even though low-income students generally receive larger financial aid. 

For low-income students who find themselves in these situations, private outside scholarships can reduce loans and push them toward a more debt-free future. At least, that is what students might expect. It turns out that Yale’s own scholarship displacement policies, which only apply when a student has excess outside aid, is in itself a privilege. 

For some colleges today, scholarship displacement is more extensive and occurs for students whose awards do not exceed their need. Instead of using outside aid to reduce a student’s loans or issue a refund, a college might reduce the amount of financial aid its internal system had awarded the student. This practice incited a two-year long anti-scholarship displacement campaign from Central Scholarship, a scholarship and mentorship organization for Maryland students, whose staffers were frustrated that any scholarship money a student received would cause their college to simply reduce their financial aid by the same amount.

“It totally undermines our very existence,” Jan Wagner, president of Central Scholarship, said in a 2017 interview with Baltimore Sun. “For someone who went out and beat the bushes and pounded the pavement and submitted applications to try and get additional grants and make college affordable, the net result of their efforts is zero. That’s unfair. Especially when we’re talking about low-income and middle-income students.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Connecticut is among the 45 states without active legislation banning scholarship displacement.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photography Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_bz_TimTai_PhotoEditor_01.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Until summer 2017, nowhere in the United States had officially banned this kind of displacement. Today, colleges in five states — California, Maryland, Pennsylvania, Washington and New Jersey — have passed some requirements forcing schools to reduce a student’s loan packages, if they have any, before decreasing internal scholarship allocations. For instance, California’s AB-288, an anti-displacement bill passed in September 2022, prohibits both public and private institutions from cutting down Pell-eligible “students’ institution-based gift aid offers below their financial need.” 

Connecticut is among the 45 states without active legislation banning scholarship displacement. Title IV of the Higher Education Amendments of 1965 outlines policies underlying the management of financial aid programs. It dictates that a student’s awards — whether they consist of university grants or outside scholarships — may not exceed one’s financial need. The law defines need as the difference between a college’s standard cost of attendance and the amount that the financial aid office believes a student’s family can pay. Essentially, Title IV prohibits students from pocketing scholarships or grant money that exceeds their need for a college education — which some argue is an issue that is nuanced and requires more consideration of the real-world challenges confronting FGLI students. 

“The real cost of attendance is different from the formula provided in the FAFSA or college financial aid award letters,” Viveros-Walton, one of the writers and thinkers behind AB-288, said. “And in California, that gap can be anywhere from $9,000 to $30,000.”

Viveros-Walton called attention to off-campus housing for California students, which in cities like Los Angeles and San Francisco can drain most of a student’s refunds and financial awards. Similar to Yale, many colleges in her state do not guarantee housing for all four years of their undergraduate education — except in California, many are thrown into a more voracious open market with external adult renters. 

However, some scholarships have restrictions dictating what their funds may be used for. Some scholarships may not cover off-campus housing, presenting a challenge for students who are not guaranteed on-campus lodging. Viveros-Walton hopes that by urging scholarships to expand their latitude of coverage or disperse funds directly to recipients, students would be able to put their hard-earned awards to better use. 

Nonetheless, these are only recommendations — and private scholarship organizations ultimately decide what they wish to dedicate scholarship dollars. The struggle to make financial aid and scholarship processes equitable, transparent and accessible is one of many moving parts and perspectives, requiring as much empathy as education from all sides of the equation, she continued. It remains, now more relevant than ever. 

Starting the 2023-2024 academic year, Yale University’s overall cost of attendance, otherwise known as its term bill, will increase by nearly 4 percent from $80,700 to $83,880. 

UP CLOSE | The Investments Office’s diversity “smoke screen”

=[raw num=”1″ align=”stretch”]

[bylines]

In its public statements, Yale’s Office of the President often celebrates diversity. A quick look through recent statements turns up titles like, “Yale’s Steadfast Commitment to Diversity,” “Yale Will Continue to Foster a Diverse and Vibrant Educational Environment” and “An Excellent Faculty is a Diverse Faculty.” 

“By bringing people of different backgrounds, talents, and perspectives together, we best prepare our students for a complex and dynamic world,” one statement reads.

Yale was quick to take up rallying cries in support of race-conscious admissions when a nonprofit challenged the practice in lawsuits against Harvard University and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 2014.

Since then, Yale has joined 14 peer universities — including all six remaining members of the Ivy League — in a joint amicus curiae brief defending the use of affirmative action in college admissions. The brief, filed with the Supreme Court in August 2022, justifies ethnicity- and race-conscious admissions practices on the grounds that they are “crucial to achieving a richly diverse academic environment that enhances students’ educational experiences and maximizes their future success.”

But for all of Yale’s fervent advocacy in the public sphere, the University has been notably less enthusiastic about diversity in the private management of its $41.4 billion endowment. Despite ongoing calls for transparency, Yale and other elite universities continue to withhold data on the diversity of the managers who oversee their endowments. Although these universities often claim that they are working to improve asset manager diversity, experts in the field argue that data secrecy hinders institutional accountability.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”The Yale Investment Office building at 55 Whitney Ave.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photography Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/investments_upclose_eg_TimTai_PhotographyEditor.jpg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

These policies of nondisclosure come even as research finds that white- and male-owned firms continue to dominate the asset management industry.

Endowments and asset manager diversity

Most elite universities follow the so-called “Yale Model” when investing to grow their endowments. The Yale Model is a framework for institutional investing developed by long-time Yale Chief Investment Officer David Swensen, who managed the University’s endowment for 35 years until his death in 2021.

The Yale Model instructs broad asset diversification, allocating fewer assets to traditional U.S. equities and bonds and more to alternative investments like private equity, venture capital, hedge funds and real estate.

Because endowment offices are limited in staff capacity — and because alternative assets require specialized expertise — universities outsource much of their investing to third-party asset managers.

These external management firms oversee designated pieces of their clients’ portfolios. They are contracted by university endowment offices as fiduciaries, financial agents legally compelled to act in their clients’ best interests.

Minority- and women-owned asset management firms manage just 1.4 percent of U.S.-based assets, according to a 2021 study by the Knight Foundation, which funds journalism, arts and research in the areas of media and democracy. The Knight Foundation defines minority- and women-owned firms, also known as “diverse-owned firms,” as those whose ownership is held by at least 50 percent women or “racial/ethnic minorities.”

Nevertheless, these firms represent approximately 12.2 percent of U.S.-based asset managers. Evidently, such firms are grossly underrepresented in allocators’ portfolios; if they were perfectly represented, we would expect them to control the equivalent 12.2 percent, rather than a mere 1.4 percent, of assets under management. 

The Knight Foundation’s ongoing research series on asset manager diversity follows its decade-long effort to employ more diverse-owned firms in the management of its own multi-billion dollar endowment. Today, over a third of the Knight Foundation’s endowment, or approximately $1.07 billion, is overseen by diverse-owned managers, a list of which the Foundation publishes on its website.

There are two common, albeit debunked, arguments that asset allocators use to justify their disproportionate reliance on white- and male-owned firms: the performance justification and the pipeline justification.

Perceived performance tradeoff

The first line of reasoning boils down to performance. While asset allocators generally agree that diversity is important, most investment professionals — especially white ones — perceive a negative financial trade-off that comes with prioritizing diversity.

In a 2021 Morgan Stanley survey, 56 percent of asset owners agreed that “they must choose between financial gains and incorporating diversity into their investment decisions.” And there is a sizable opinion gap by race — 70 percent of white asset owners agreed, compared to just 35 percent of non-white owners.

“The survey … does not take long to point out that this is a perception issue,” Daniel Villao, CEO of Intelligent Partnerships, Inc. and former chair of the National Board of Directors for the Association of Latino Professionals for America, told the News. “The fact that the existing cadre of leading minds is uncomfortable with change really drives the status quo and means that the lack of opportunity to demonstrate otherwise continues to ensure the 1.4 percent does not change.”

The preponderance of research — including by the Knight Foundation — continues to find, however, that diverse-owned firms perform at a level comparable to or exceeding that of their predominantly white- and male-owned peer companies.

A recent meta-analysis of 56 performance studies using 50 years of data arrived at a “clear consensus” that there is no trade-off between diversity and investment performance.

Jason Lamin, the founder and CEO of Lenox Park Solutions, a financial technology company specializing in DEI — Diversity, Equity and Inclusion — data aggregation, thinks we have begun “to overstudy the problem.”

“The research that comes out of any major academic institution or think tank is pretty empirical at this point: diverse teams outperform,” Lamin said. “They mitigate risk, they are more innovative and creative. … There’s a part of me that is candidly tired of talking about it.”

Pipeline issues 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Robert Raben, executive director of the Diverse Asset Managers Initiative and president of the Raben Group.” credit=”Courtesy of The Raben Group” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/Robert_Raben_courtesyOfTheRabenGroup-scaled.jpg” ALIGN=”right”]

The second rationale is a pipeline argument; some allocators say there just aren’t enough diverse-owned firms out there to muster a diverse portfolio. Considering that only 12.2 percent of management firms are diverse-owned, this justification may initially seem compelling.

But some industry leaders, including Robert Raben, consider the pipeline argument unpersuasive. Raben serves as executive director of the Diverse Asset Managers Initiative and president of the Raben Group, a progressive public policy firm. He also served as Assistant Attorney General at the Department of Justice under former President Bill Clinton.

Raben thinks that asset allocators claim there are too few diverse-owned management firms to conceal their deep-seated hesitations about allocating assets away from white- and male-owned firms.

While Raben says that he would like to see more women and people of color enter the asset management industry, there are already “plenty” of diverse-owned firms for any single institution — like Yale — to improve its managerial diversity.

“[Many asset allocators say] that there aren’t enough minority asset managers,” Raben said. “We believe that’s a smoke screen. We don’t have a supply problem. We have a demand problem.”

[pullquote credit=”Robert Raben” align=”full”][Many asset allocators say] that there aren’t enough minority asset managers. We believe that’s a smoke screen. We don’t have a supply problem. We have a demand problem.[/pullquote]

Raben said that for every financial institution to significantly improve its manager diversity, “we’d need a lot more managers of color, yes.” But Raben emphasized that the industry is not yet close to a point where individual firms aiming to improve their diversity will run into a capacity problem.

Raben used Yale as an example. 

“I don’t know how many managers Yale has on contract — let’s say 70 firms at a time,” Raben said. “There are hundreds and hundreds of Black- and Latino-owned asset management firms.” 

The National Association of Investment Companies, or NAIC, is the country’s largest network of diverse-owned alternative asset managers, consisting of over 180 firms representing over $325 billion in assets under management.

Raben argues that the “best proof” for the strength of the existing pipeline is actually the other allocators, including the Knight Foundation and academic institutions like Duke University and the University of California system, which Raben says have “easily achieved extremely significant women/minority representation in their management numbers with the current supply.” 

In 2022 alone, UC Investments’ allocation to diverse-owned partners increased by roughly 10 percent, from 36 to 40 percent of its managers. In 2022, Duke’s share of diverse-owned managers reached a record-high 44 percent.

University transparency

How does Yale compare? 

Frankly, nobody knows. Duke and the University of California are in the small minority of universities that make their manager diversity numbers public.

Yale, by contrast, is in the majority that chooses not to release these statistics.   

“By being transparent, we hold ourselves accountable,” UC Investments CIO Jagdeep Bachher told the News. “Compiling reliable data gives us a way to easily track our own progress and that of our partners.”

[pullquote credit=”Jagdeep Bachher” align=”right”]By being transparent, we hold ourselves accountable.Compiling reliable data gives us a way to easily track our own progress and that of our partners.[/pullquote]

When the Knight Foundation asked the nation’s 50 wealthiest colleges and universities to participate in its research in 2022, 34 institutions, including Yale, declined to share data.

However, some of Yale’s peers with large endowments — including Duke, Harvard University, Stanford University and Princeton University — did choose to share data for the study.

“We’ve done this research, for one, to ensure that this is a part of the conversation,” said Ashley Zohn, vice president of the Knight Foundation’s Learning and Impact program. “We hope that more foundations and universities will be transparent. And ultimately, we hope that this will lead to more use of diverse-owned firms.”

The Knight Foundation is performing its higher education research in partnership with the Center for Business and Human Rights at New York University’s Stern School of Business.

The researchers have only published an interim release so far and are waiting on more schools to share data before publishing a final report.

“Universities are promoting DEI in how they present their institutional values, in the admissions process and in various other aspects of campus life,” Center for Business and Human Rights Senior Associate Director Kerin McCauley told the News. “We saw these initiatives around DEI, but we weren’t seeing the same kind of urgency related to where they were investing.”

The News contacted the Yale Investments Office in November for comment on its non-participation in the study. When the News initially reached out for comment, the Investment Office’s team page displayed the names and photographs of 22 upper-level financial staff, a group that appeared to skew white and male.

Within two hours of the request, the page was updated to display the names and photographs of 39 staff members, including administrative assistants and legal staff whose names or photographs did not appear before. On the new page, white men no longer appeared to make up a majority of depicted staffers.

Although these were internal office staff members and not external asset managers, the website change prompted some, including Raben, to wonder what the incident revealed about the Office’s general approach to matters of diversity.

“In other areas of university life — student enrollment, faculty composition — the universities are clear and sometimes assertive with granular detail about the presence or absence of women and people of color,” Raben said. “But what must be going on in the management of $40 billion for very, very talented and bright people to go through Herculean gymnastics to avoid answering the basic questions: Do you work with women or not? Do you work with Black people or not?”

Raben thinks Yale probably does care about the issue, but he said this episode is “Exhibit A” of the University’s lack of “internal skills, tools and experiences” to address it appropriately. 

In response to the News’s November article regarding Yale’s decision not to participate in the Knight Foundation study, Raben and the Diverse Asset Manager Initiative — or DAMI — sent a public letter to University President Peter Salovey and CIO Matthew Mendelsohn urging Yale “to avail itself of the transparency that has so benefited the rest of the institution.” 

Raben told the News that Yale’s leadership should seek help from expert groups like DAMI that have the proper toolset and experience to address these issues. He has met several times with University leaders to discuss manager diversity and said that the Yale Investments Office initially delegated the diversity issue to one white woman, Lisa Howie, who served as a YIO director.

When Howie left Yale to become CIO of Smith College in April 2021, Yale redelegated diversity, equity and inclusion work to Sohail Ramirez. Ramirez’s profile on the YIO website says that he “is a member of YIO’s legal team and focuses on the venture capital portfolio, regulatory matters, and YIO’s DEI efforts.”

Across all 41 current YIO staff profiles, only Ramirez’s mentions DEI responsibilities.

“A classic example of doing this poorly is to put the burden of diversity on the shoulders of the few diverse people in your office, who have day jobs,” Raben said. “They’re there to manage money.”

Samantha Katz, a board member of IDiF — the Center of Innovation for Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion in Finance — told the News that institutional transparency is a critical first step for driving change. 

IDiF aims to bring together trustees, donors, CIOs, public pensions, allocators, asset owners and entrepreneurs from across the industry to source solutions for the underrepresentation of diverse-owned firms in asset management.

“Silence and opacity around this data allows for the perpetuation of the status quo,” Katz told the News. “Transparency will help investors identify what leadership in this market looks like and enable accountability.”

The Endowment Transparency Act

In the wake of lackluster university participation in the Knight Foundation’s study of America’s largest university endowments, Missouri Rep. Emanuel Cleaver II introduced the Endowment Transparency Act of 2022

The Endowment Transparency Act would amend the Higher Education Act of 1965 to mandate annual reporting on the ownership of asset management firms contracted by university endowments. The act would also require the data to be disaggregated by race and gender.

“In the year 2022, it is simply unacceptable that nearly 99 percent of assets controlled by the $82 trillion asset management industry … are overseen by White men, when we know that there are qualified women- and minority-owned firms that can fulfill these duties to the same, or even better, degree,” Representative Cleaver wrote in a press release.

University endowments currently have no legal obligation to report data on their use of diverse-owned management firms, and, as Cleaver writes, “anecdotal reporting has been less than favorable.”

The act, which has not yet made it onto the congressional docket, builds on Cleaver’s prior work requesting diversity disclosures from elite universities, including Yale, Harvard, Princeton and Stanford. 

On July 10, 2020, Cleaver and then-Massachusetts Rep. Joseph Kennedy III sent a letter to 25 colleges and universities requesting information about the diversity of the asset management firms overseeing their endowments. The letter cited the most recent Knight Foundation report at the time, which found that firms owned by women and minorities managed just 1.3 percent of U.S.-based assets under management.

“Some colleges and universities have resisted repeated calls to be more transparent with such information,” Cleaver and Kennedy wrote in the letter. “The response of colleges and universities has only heightened suspicions.” 

They also pointed out that most university endowments “have never spent a dollar with a minority [asset management] firm in the history of their institution,” a fact first described in a June 2019 hearing of the House Financial Services Committee

Of the 25 audited institutions, 24 submitted responses. Very few, however, broke down the data by race or gender ownership; instead, each institution provided an aggregate share of “diverse” or “diverse-owned” managers. Raben said that only Duke, the University of California and Georgetown University provided “meaningful data.”

In a reply letter to Cleaver and Kennedy, Yale wrote that “a preliminary assessment indicates that 50 percent of Yale’s assets that are managed by U.S.-based managers are managed by diverse-led firms.” 

In a footnote at the bottom of the page, Yale defines diverse-led firms as “those [firms] where women or people of color make a material contribution to a firm’s investment leadership and decision-making.” 

The letter does not explain what constitutes a “material contribution.” 

“‘Diverse’ is not a term of art,” Raben said. “It can mean veterans, it can mean LGBTQ, it can mean managers in Hong Kong. You have no idea what is behind that number. … They gave a number to Congress that is absurdly large. They imply that 50 percent of their domestically managed money is diverse. That’s not happening.”

To complement its asset manager diversity work, the Investments Office, according to the letter, “has stepped up efforts to focus on diversity and inclusion among its own staff.” At the time of the letter’s writing, women and people of color made up 38 percent of YIO staff and 30 percent of senior staff.

Nevertheless, YIO’s demographic diversity falls short of the diversity of Yale’s student body. According to Yale’s 2022-23 Common Data Set, which provides student demographics by race and gender, approximately 50 percent of Yale College students are female and 60 percent are people of color. If one assumes that approximately 50 percent of people of color in Yale College are women, women and people of color together represent about 80 percent of Yale’s undergraduate student body — more than double both of the YIO figures.

A stubborn status quo

There are some legitimate obstacles that universities face in hiring diverse-owned managers and reporting manager diversity statistics.

For one, these changes take time. 

On its website, the Yale Investments Office writes, “Our team actively searches for partners who are focused on establishing long-term partnerships and building sustainable organizations. We have partnered with many of our managers for more than ten years, and several partnerships span more than 20 years.” 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Tim Tai, Photography Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/eg_upclose_TimTai_PhotographyEditor.jpg” ALIGN=”center”]

Yale has spent decades building strong, long-term partnerships with its managers, and, according to Raben, University leaders probably don’t want to sever those partnerships overnight.

And because Yale’s investment returns over the past several years have been best-in-class, switching managers might not improve performance. Amid this year’s turbulent markets, Yale was the only school in the Ivy League to report a positive return on its endowment holdings.

Although diverse-owned firms generally perform as well as or better than white- and male-owned firms, some individual white- or male-owned firms are inevitably still capable of outperforming their peers.

Even UC Investments, which leads the endowment space in manager diversity and transparency, maintains unequivocally that performance is its number one criterion in choosing managers. 

“We hire very few external managers, but when we do we look for the best people, potential long-term partners whose values are aligned with our own and who have a record of high performance,” UC Investments CIO Jagdeep Bachher told the News. “We are in the business of making money for the University of California, so we will not sacrifice returns for anybody. We are not a charity.”

Just as asset managers act as fiduciaries for endowments, endowment offices act as fiduciaries for their respective institutions. 

Lenox Park Solutions CEO Jason Lamin, whose firm supports DEI benchmarking and reporting for 1,800 organizations managing over $4 trillion in assets, says that diversity for its own sake can be a tough sell.

“Are my fiduciary responsibilities to make money or to employ a social agenda?” Lamin said. “I want to be clear. My view personally, at my firm, is that it’s the right thing to do. But as you know, there will be those that say, ‘It’s not my responsibility. I’m here to make returns.’” 

Nevertheless, every endowment — including a top-tier performer like Yale — must have managers performing in its bottom quartile.

According to Katz, it is much easier to renew a contract with an underperforming manager “than risk your job bringing new talent into the portfolio.” 

Raben argues, though, that “an important client can say to the manager, ‘I need to see women and people of color in senior positions on my team within two years.’” Yale is a large and important enough allocator, Raben says, that it can use its leverage to improve diversity without ditching its existing managers.

Reporting challenges

Even if an asset allocator has every intention of making its diversity data public, transparency can be difficult in practice.

For an asset allocator to report on the diversity of its asset managers, it must first ask each of its asset managers to report its own diversity numbers. 

“For those that are surveying managers, some of the asset managers choose to report and others simply don’t, even when the allocator requests the information,” Katz told the News. “Without fund managers reporting, the allocator has no way of knowing what demographics are represented in their portfolio.”

Katz says that enacting laws or policies — like the Endowment Transparency Act — could help. But real change, she says, might require a commitment from allocators to pull capital from managers that do not report or to allocate additional capital to those that do.

[pullquote credit=”Jason Lamin” align=”right”]If every allocator sends out a different DEI survey with different definitions of what it means to be diverse, then what can they really do with it?The managers are tired; they’re getting 50 or 60 surveys a year.[/pullquote]

Because asset allocators generally conduct their own diversity surveys, managers can easily become overwhelmed when allocators want to report. At any given time, some asset managers are managing funds from dozens of allocators.

“If every allocator sends out a different DEI survey with different definitions of what it means to be diverse, then what can they really do with it?” Lamin said. “The managers are tired; they’re getting 50 or 60 surveys a year.”

This is the very issue that Lamin’s company, Lenox Park Solutions, aims to solve.

Lamin describes his platform as the “Common App” of manager diversity reporting. When allocators — which include pension funds, endowments, foundations and more — join the platform, they can use it to send standardized surveys to all their managers.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Jason Lamin, founder and CEO of Lenox Park Solutions, a financial technology company specializing in DEI data aggregation.” credit=”Courtesy of Lenox Park Solutions” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/Jason_Lamin_courtesyOfLenoxParkSolutions.jpg” ALIGN=”right”]

The platform then receives, aggregates and benchmarks data for the allocator.

“What we’ve done with our technology is continue to build and refine tools that just make it easier for people to report … [and] to measure and monitor over time how their asset managers are doing,” Lamin said.

Because the platform is so large — its thousands of users collectively manage over $4 trillion — the benchmarks it generates “actually mean something.”

Though reporting is far from perfect, Lamin says that there is “no question” that transparency and disclosure is improving across the industry. In 2019, just 59.9 percent of the managers that received surveys from Lamin’s platform responded with full, complete information. By 2022, that number had jumped to 81.1 percent. 

“There’s a feeling from the asset owners that, you know, ‘I don’t want to be troublesome for managers, and maybe I’m asking for information that’s too invasive in some way,’” Lamin said “And we remind them … just on our platform, there’s another $4 trillion of asset owners that are asking the same thing.” 

Diversity initiatives

Despite these constraints, the universities that have made concerted efforts to report on diversity  — like UC and Duke — have generally been able to do so. 

UC began reporting diversity numbers in 2019, and, in that first year, achieved a 92 percent manager response rate, representing 98 percent of assets surveyed. By 2022, the response rate had risen to 94 percent.

If Yale has also been regularly surveying its managers for diversity information, it has not said so openly.

In October 2020, however, Yale’s then-CIO David Swensen publicly instructed the firms that manage the University’s endowment to diversify their ranks.

Swensen asked managers to complete a diversity survey, writing that Yale is “interested in the numbers of diverse professionals on the investment team and in … support functions, at various levels of seniority.” Swensen asked Howie — who had not yet left for Smith — to coordinate the survey.

Yale has stayed almost completely silent on its progress since. Although Swensen told managers in the initial letter that he intended to ask for annual updates, it is unclear whether the efforts have been ongoing.

Rather than simply asking managers to improve their diversity, UC Investments has been intentional about “search[ing] widely” for diverse-owned firms with which to build new partnerships.

“To find the best people, we intentionally search widely, often looking for firms we may have overlooked or who, for some reason, haven’t been on our radar,” Bachher told the News. “That was the impetus behind our recent initiative during which we met more than 100 firms who were new to us … But to be clear, that initiative was merely an accelerant. We routinely meet with many diverse firms throughout the year.”

UC Investments has partnered with trade organizations like NAIC to help source diverse-owned firms. 

In 2022, UC Investments met with approximately 333 diverse-owned managers, including 101 managers sourced through the NAIC partnership; these meetings increased in number by 43 percent compared to 2021.

Bachher said that the meetings allow UC Investments to “expand [its] networks, explore new opportunities, and in some cases, form new investment partnerships.” In 2022, six of UC Investments’ seven first-time investment partners were owned by women and people of color.

UC has effectively created its own pipeline for diverse-owned firms. 

And others have been doing the same thing. Crewcial Partners is a consulting firm that works with allocators to build effective portfolios and, for almost a decade, has been intentional about finding diverse talent for its clients.

“We’ve been investing with diverse managers since back in 2013 … and it’s really allowed us to build smarter portfolios,” said Angela Outlaw-Matheny, director of investment staff and diverse manager equity at Crewcial Partners. “You need to think about diversification in various ways; not just asset classes. What about geography, different life journeys, and backgrounds — ethnicity, gender, age? All of these things are risk-controlling factors when you’re building smart portfolios.” 

Outlaw-Matheny said that when she started in her role, she thought she could be a kind of “civil rights leader” in the field of asset management. 

Her mentor — Crewcial’s CIO Michael Miller — advised her that she needed to lead with performance, and social impact would follow.

“So it started with our need to exercise our fiduciary duty to build smart portfolios,” Outlaw-Matheny said. “That was, I think, the impetus for our work, and then it trickled over [to social impact].” 

Since starting to build its diverse manager pipeline in 2013, Outlaw-Matheny said that Crewcial has been able to avoid resorting to manager diversity quotas.

The pipeline of diverse-led firms has allowed Crewcial to improve returns and focus on “what’s the best fit in terms of portfolio construction.”

Looking forward

Yale’s endowment is overseen by the Investment Committee of the Yale Corporation, the University’s 16-member board of trustees.

The committee, which oversees the endowment in the review of asset allocation policies, endowment performance and strategies proposed by YIO staff, is almost entirely white and male. 

Raben argues that the root of higher education’s manager diversity issue is culture — especially at the level of institutional leadership.

“There’s a basic resentment of outsiders asking questions,” Raben said. “It is likely that Mr. Mendelsohn makes three to five times more than Mr. Salovey. So that tells you a lot. It’s like Bear Bryant at the University of Alabama: ‘Yeah, I’ve got this. And I really don’t want lots and lots of people questioning my strategy. My success allows you to have need-blind admissions.’”

[pullquote credit=”Robert Raben” align=”full”]There’s a basic resentment of outsiders asking questions.[/pullquote]

Yale’s then-CIO Swensen received a salary of $4.7 million in 2017, making him the University’s highest paid employee. That same year, Salovey made $1.7 million.

Katz told the News that the attitude of an allocator’s leadership team, “which includes trustees, board members and chief investment officers,” greatly influences whether and to what extent that allocator invests with diverse-owned managers. 

Efforts to improve diversity benefit substantially when leadership “has a process internally that incentivizes change, such as emerging manager programs, the broadening of networks for sourcing, and setting concrete goals in portfolio construction.”

Raben believes that University leadership is probably trying to figure out how to improve manager diversity “as we speak.” However, he told the News that he “can’t think of another area of life where, when you want to try to solve a problem, you refuse to speak to the experts.”

The University has not responded to DAMI’s public letter and has denied Raben’s recent requests to meet with Yale officials.

When the News reached out to the Yale Investments Office for comment, they provided the statement below. 

“The Yale Investments Office is firmly committed to building a diverse team and increasing the diversity of our roster of investment partners by adding diverse new partners and supporting efforts by our existing partners to increase diversity within their organizations,” the Investments Office told the News. “Efforts are underway to advance toward these goals, and we plan to provide periodic updates via our website.”

In 2008, Yale alumni mounted an unsuccessful campaign to name one of the University’s new residential colleges “Swensen College” in honor of David Swensen.

UP CLOSE | “Meeting people where they are”

[raw num=”1″ align=”stretch”]

[bylines]

Jess saved her friend’s life last year. 

Jess, whose last name has been omitted to protect her privacy, has used intravenous drugs on and off for the last 15 years. That day, she had just gotten high when she began to notice the signs of an overdose in her friend: pale skin, slowed breathing and unconsciousness. 

Jess was terrified, but she was also prepared. She was carrying Naloxone, also known as Narcan, a medication that reverses opioid overdose. After learning about Narcan through a training program in Bridgeport, she knew how to inject the Narcan spray into her friend’s nostril, roll them onto their side and wait for them to recover. 

Without her training, Jess said she might have made the common mistakes that many people do when they witness an overdose, like putting the victim in a cold bathtub — which increases the risk of shock — or leaving them on their back — which increases the risk of aspiration. 

“I’ve used [Narcan] a few times on people,” Jess said. “If I didn’t have it, I don’t know what would have happened to the people that I was with, if they would have still been alive today.” 

Naloxone training and distribution is one example of a growing approach to drug use known as harm reduction. Rather than pressuring people to quit using drugs entirely, harm reduction advocates accept the reality that people use drugs and try to ensure that they do so as safely as possible, a marked change from traditional abstinence-only responses. Studies have shown harm reduction techniques to be among the most effective at reducing overdose deaths and the spread of disease while increasing the number of people who engage with treatment and social services. 

Harm reduction is most commonly associated with efforts to distribute safe drug use supplies like Narcan, fentanyl test strips and clean syringes. But it also encompasses efforts to provide warm clothes and feminine hygiene products, to reduce the criminalization and stigma of drug use and to address systemic inequities in housing and healthcare. 

“There will be behaviors that people do that are risky, but there are ways to support people… and to affirm the fact that their lives have value,” said Emme Magliato ’23, a student ambassador for the Sex Workers and Allies Network, a harm reduction organization focused on street-based sex workers, many of whom use drugs. “In its core, [harm reduction] is a very liberatory practice.” 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Drug overdose deaths have increased more quickly in Connecticut than the national average.” credit=”Courtesy of Sadie Bograd” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/real_YDN_overdoserate.jpg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

New Haven was one of the birthplaces of harm reduction in the 1980s, when activists established one of the country’s first needle exchanges to combat the AIDS epidemic. Now, the spread of the opioid epidemic has encouraged a broader acceptance of harm reduction work. 

1,425 people died of an unintentional drug overdose in Connecticut in 2022, including 130 in New Haven alone, as compared to 728 deaths statewide in 2015. Nationally, the opioid overdose death rate has increased sevenfold in the past two decades, from 3.3 deaths per 100,000 in 2001 to 24.7 deaths per 100,000 in 2021. 

Almost all harm reduction practitioners unite around a single catchphrase: “meeting people where they are.” Across New Haven, dozens of actors — from mobile outreach teams to healthcare clinics and homelessness service providers — are striving to do just that. Although they struggle with limited funding, legal constraints and widespread stigma, they continue to promote what they see as a more ethical and effective response to an overwhelming overdose epidemic.  

Delivering supplies, and much more

When SWAN’s gray minivan pulls up at the corner of Ferry Street and Grand Avenue, its doors emblazoned with the words “OUTREACH” and “FREE NALOXONE,” people are ready for it. The nearby lot is a popular site for drug use, and many people approach the van as soon as it parks. 

Magliato hops out of the passenger seat and strikes up a conversation with the first woman in line. 

“Do you need alcohol swabs? Antibiotic ointment? Do you need cookers? Do you need condoms? Narcan?” Magliato asks. While the woman fills her bag, Magliato writes down her birthday and a careful record of everything she takes. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”SWAN distributes safer drug use supplies, but also backpacks filled with warm socks, personal hygiene products and flashlights.” credit=”Sadie Bograd, Contributing Photographer” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/harmreduction_upclose_sb_SadieBograd_07-scaled.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Inside the van’s trunk is a stockpile of resources to distribute to New Haven’s sex workers, unhoused residents and people who use drugs. In addition to hand warmers, flashlights and medical supplies, Magliato passes out materials that help reduce the risks of drug use. There’s Narcan, a nasal spray which can reverse opioid overdoses. Test strips for fentanyl, the highly potent opioid that was responsible for over 90 percent of Connecticut opioid overdose deaths last year. Sturdy Pyrex pipes, which decrease the chance of injury while smoking crack. Clean syringes, to prevent the sharing of needles and the spread of diseases like HIV and Hepatitis C. 

SWAN and its fellow harm reduction organizations attempt to disseminate these supplies as widely as possible and through a variety of strategies. 

Mobile outreach teams like SWAN’s bring harm reduction materials directly to the people who need them. Their services are deeply valued by the people who rely on them — one woman asked Magliato for Narcan, saying she had overdosed just the day before. 

The New Haven Health Department has also provided harm reduction toolkits to organizations that regularly work with people who use drugs, like the Downtown Evening Soup Kitchen, post-incarceration resource centers and methadone clinics.

[pullquote credit=”Phil Costello, clinical director of the Healthcare for the Homeless program at Cornell Scott-Hill Health Center” align=”right”]My philosophy is, whenever I go somewhere, I want to make it rain Narcan.[/pullquote]

Other groups try to make sure that Narcan is as broadly accessible as possible, recognizing that drug use occurs in every community. Kara Sepulveda, public health program assistant at the Quinnipiack Valley Health District, explained that QVHD and the New Haven Health Department are trying to “normalize being prepared for overdose response” by offering naloxone training at a range of locations, from restaurants and warehouses to libraries. Their work may be made easier by last week’s FDA approval of over-the-counter Narcan sales.

“My philosophy is, whenever I go somewhere, I want to make it rain Narcan,” said Phil Costello, clinical director of the Healthcare for the Homeless program at Cornell Scott-Hill Health Center.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Andressa Granado and Kara Sepulveda demonstrate how to use Narcan during a training at a New Haven liquor store.” credit=”Courtesy of Andressa Granado” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/courtesy_of_Andressa_Granado_-_Andressa_Granado_and_Kara_Sepulveda_demonstrate_how_to_use_Narcan_during_a_training_at_a_New_Haven_liquor_store-scaled.jpg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Frederick Altice, director of the Yale School of Medicine’s Community Health Care Van, noted that fentanyl test strips have also become increasingly important, because they enable people to avoid consuming unsafe drugs and alert others when a dangerous batch has entered the supply. 

Advocates emphasized, however, that harm reduction is about more than just clean syringes and Narcan. 

SWAN helps its members with “literally anything and everything,” said program manager Jaclyn Lucibello, as she prepared to drive a SWAN member to her methadone clinic. Providing warm clothes, tents and menstrual products is another way to help people who use drugs stay safe. Lucibello also emphasized the importance of connecting people to medical care and housing; it’s near impossible to recover from opioid use disorder if you don’t have a stable place to live, she said. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/Screen-Shot-2023-04-03-at-12.13.44-AM.png” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Combating stigma to keep people alive

Harm reduction advocates distribute as much Narcan as they can. But Narcan won’t help if there’s no one to administer it.

“The way to keep people alive is to not have them use alone,” Costello said. “This is probably the single most important thing for opiate users.”

[pullquote credit=”Phil Costello, clinical director of the Healthcare for the Homeless program at Cornell Scott-Hill Health Center” align=”right”]The way to keep people alive is to not have them use alone. This is probably the single most important thing for opiate users.[/pullquote]

In the face of widespread stigma, people often feel pressured to hide their drug use from family and friends, according to Costello. They use drugs alone, making them more likely to die if they overdose. 

Stigma prevents some people from accessing harm reduction supplies at all. That’s one reason why the Community Health Care Van is trying to establish three harm reduction vending machines across the city. Altice explained that these “user-friendly and minimal contact” devices would let patients who have registered with the syringe service program collect clean syringes and Narcan.

Broadly, though, harm reduction advocates want to eliminate stigma from the start. 

Magliato explained that a core tenet of harm reduction is that people who use drugs are people, and should be treated as such. She added that although this shouldn’t be a radical statement, people with opioid use disorder are often reduced to their addiction. 

“My favorite part of working [at SWAN] is just getting to see people and tell them ‘Have a good day’ or genuinely ask how they’re doing,” Magliato said. “Because most often they will not have that interaction until the next time they see you.” 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”SWAN employees Emme Magliato and Brandy Robinson gather supplies before their outreach run.” credit=”Sadie Bograd, Contributing Photographer” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/harmreduction_upclose_sb_SadieBograd_04-scaled.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Robert Heimer, a Yale professor of epidemiology who has studied harm reduction for over 30 years, said the people who are most at risk of overdose death are those who have just gone through an abstinence-only treatment program — even more so than people who receive no treatment at all. Abstinence-only programs have high relapse rates, but patients tend to feel ashamed about their continued drug use, leading them to use alone. Their tolerance also goes down during treatment, increasing the risk of overdose.

“How do we make [drug use] seem more of a normal activity, instead of making solitary drug use seem like the only solution to keeping your drug use secret and yourself protected from going to jail, from being stigmatized, from being ostracized?” Heimer asked. 

Heimer added that stigma is perpetuated in many ways. People in abstinence-based treatment are often called “clean” — implying that people who use drugs are “dirty.” Opioid use disorder is treated as something shameful, instead of a medical condition that changes the brain, making it impossible to abstain from drug use without experiencing severe withdrawal symptoms. 

Heimer said that stigma can even prevent people from accessing effective treatments for opioid use disorder. Methadone and buprenorphine are long-acting opioids that block opioid withdrawal while inhibiting the effect of heroin and fentanyl, preventing people from getting high. 

“Methadone and buprenorphine produce a stable level that allows people to feel normal: not too high, not too sedated, not too close to losing consciousness and not going into withdrawal. And it allows them to pursue a more normal life,” Heimer said.

According to Heimer, medications like methadone are the most effective treatment available — much more so than abstinence-based treatments, which have a high relapse rate. However, instead of being treated like any other medicine, they are stigmatized as “trading one drug for the other.” 

Safe spaces for safer use

Apart from stigma, people who use drugs don’t always have a safe place to go. Especially among the unhoused community, drug use often occurs outside or in public spaces.

Evan Serio, program manager at the Downtown Evening Soup Kitchen, said that public restrooms are a common site for drug use. In recognition of that fact, DESK has implemented a three-minute knock system: every three minutes, a staff member knocks on the bathroom door to get a verbal confirmation that the guest is still conscious and has not overdosed. 

With this, many community members have sought to establish dedicated spaces where people who use drugs can safely congregate. In Fair Haven, a team of community leaders — including representatives of the Connecticut Harm Reduction Alliance, the Fair Haven Community Health Center, Junta for Progressive Action, SWAN, the Board of Alders and the New Haven Police Department — are trying to establish an engagement center on Grand Avenue.

Mark Jenkins, executive director of the Connecticut Harm Reduction Alliance, described the center as “a haven to get many of those folk who publicly loiter in that area, to give them a space off of the beaten path where they can congregate without persecution or prosecution.” 

The benefits, Fair Haven alder Sarah Miller explained, would be twofold. The center would provide a welcoming space where guests could access medical care, syringes and other services. It would also alleviate residents’ concerns about public drug use and drinking, especially in the neighborhood’s main commercial corridor. 

Miller added that the potential location, at 229 Grand Ave., is key to the proposal’s success. 

“We want those services to be available, but we don’t want them right in the middle of our commercial district,” Miller said. “[The proposed site] is close enough to where the activities happen in the center of the neighborhood that we think it’s realistic people would go there, but it’s not as visible as it is right now. It’s not as disruptive to the healthy economic development of our neighborhood.” 

Jenkins and Miller both indicated that the city withdrew its initial commitment to fund the center last year, instead prioritizing funding for a syringe and litter collection team.

Benjamin Oldfield, chief medical officer of Fair Haven Community Health Care, said the team hopes to open the engagement center later this year, adding that they have “two promising funding opportunities.” 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”SWAN volunteers assemble safer drug use and safer sex kits.” credit=”Sadie Bograd, Contributing Photographer” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/by_sadie_bograd_-_SWAN_volunteers_assemble_safer_drug_use_and_safer_sex_kits-scaled.jpg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Separately, a group of harm reductionists and government officials are pushing for Connecticut to pass a senate bill that would establish three pilot “harm reduction centers.” Unlike the planned Fair Haven engagement center, these centers would be explicitly intended for drug use: places where people could openly consume drugs in the presence of trained health care providers, who would provide treatment in the case of an overdose. 

More than 120 such overdose prevention centers exist around the world, including the recently-opened OnPoint facility in New York City. To date, Heimer said, not a single person has died at one.

State Senator Saud Anwar, a co-sponsor of the legislation, said the pilot centers would be located in the greater Hartford, New Haven and Bridgeport areas. New Haven Community Services Administrator Mehul Dalal expressed support for the legislation at a public hearing on March 22.

“One option is to say that we accept that people are going to continue to die, and probably the number is going to increase … If we refuse to accept that, then we say, ‘What works and what doesn’t work?’” Anwar said. “Frankly, it’s not rocket science. We are basically doing what has been proven to be effective, and not in one place, but multiple places.”

Anwar explained that many people fear that overdose prevention sites will enable increased drug use or encourage people to start using drugs. The data, he said, shows the opposite — overdose prevention sites simply provide a safer place for people to consume controlled substances that they were already going to use. 

Community Health Care Van director Altice said he thinks it’s “only a matter of time” until Connecticut establishes overdose prevention sites. For him, the real question is whether they will have sufficient and sustainable funding in the long term.

Conflicting laws and roles for law enforcement

Harm reduction operates in an often-hostile legal environment. For example, in addition to criminalizing the possession of drugs, Connecticut criminalizes the possession of drug paraphernalia. Serio, of DESK, explained that this puts people who carry harm reduction supplies like safer-use crack pipes at risk of arrest and incarceration. He called for the law to “not criminalize individuals for what essentially breaks down to a medical intervention.” 

At the federal level, the “crack house statute” in the Controlled Substances Act criminalizes anyone who knowingly manages a site where controlled substances are used. This places overdose prevention centers on uncertain legal territory. But according to David Oliveros SPH ’23, who has collaborated with harm reduction initiatives through the Global Health Justice Practicum, this has not prevented other overdose prevention centers from operating in recent years.

Harm reductionists unite in their opposition to these overlapping forms of criminalization. Drug use, they say, is not a problem we can arrest our way out of. Incarceration is itself one of the many harms that harm reduction seeks to prevent. 

But advocates remain divided on the proper role of law enforcement in harm reduction work. 

Jenkins, of the Connecticut Harm Reduction Alliance, expressed skepticism of actors who claim to practice harm reduction while relying on law enforcement to conduct outreach.

“When you have organizations that are using law enforcement to engage people right now in harm reduction, and they’re still a harm-producing entity, it’s a contradiction,” Jenkins said. “When you have a small percentage of that group that may have buy-in, but by and large, the larger group is still causing harm, I don’t agree with it.”

At the same time, Jenkins and others acknowledged that the situation is unique in New Haven, where the police have been more supportive of harm reduction initiatives. Jenkins and Lucibello, both of SWAN, referenced the work of Lieutenant Michael Fumiatti, Fair Haven District Manager for the NHPD. 

Fumiatti helped convene the Fair Haven team which is working on the engagement center, and he has collaborated with SWAN on efforts to create dialogue between street-based sex workers — many of whom have experienced drug-related arrests — and police officers. 

Over the course of his career, Fumiatti told the News, he came to see how “pointless” it was to arrest people over and over again for the same low-level drug-related crimes.

“What’s the point of me arresting someone seven times, ten times on low-level drug offenses, specifically paraphernalia?” Fumiatti said. “Trying to get people into services and get them help and get them to make their own decisions to hopefully go into a rehab or engage in safer practices, that’s a public safety thing just as much as arresting people — I would say even more so, because what we’re looking at is root problems, rather than band-aids.” 

Fumiatti explained that officers have broad discretion over how they respond to offenses, and are not obligated to make arrests except in cases of domestic violence. Rather than arresting people on paraphernalia or possession charges, he now tries to direct them to available services.

He mentioned a local business owner who regularly calls the police because of a man who stands outside his store, harassing customers. The traditional law enforcement response would be to write the man a ticket for trespassing and move on. Fumiatti’s new strategy would be to buy the man something to eat, have a conversation with him and encourage him to change his behavior. 

The goal, he said, is for police officers to “mediate an issue [rather] than to just be a robot.” He tries to make arrests only when someone is at risk of causing harm to themselves or others, and he encourages other officers to take a similar approach. He added that by focusing less on low-level drug offenses, officers have more time to focus on major crimes. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Groups like COMPASS carry ROVERs filled with harm reduction supplies.” credit=”Courtesy of Andressa Granado” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/courtesy_of_Andressa_Granado_-_ROVER_with_harm_reduction_supplies.jpg” ALIGN=”right”]

The establishment of COMPASS, New Haven’s nonviolent first responder team, might further reduce punitive responses to drug use. 

COMPASS’s teams include a social worker and a “peer recovery specialist,” or someone who has lived experience with homelessness, addiction or mental illness. The teams can provide crisis counseling, harm reduction supplies and help with accessing social services. In addition to conducting their own outreach, COMPASS teams can respond to 911 emergency dispatches, and Fumiatti said that NHPD officers regularly call on COMPASS’s crisis teams to respond to incidents related to substance abuse.

Lucibello said that NHPD is unique in its approach to drug use, but that “traditional policing is at odds with harm reduction.” She said that police officers in Waterbury had told her that “we know we’re not going to arrest away the drug problem, we know that the War on Drugs is bullshit, but we still have to enforce the laws.”

She added that harm reduction efforts ought to be led by people who have personal experience with drug use.

“It’s just like anything else,” Lucibello said. “The people that are closest to the problem, are closest to the solution… The people that have been there and understand and truly can show empathy are those that are most effective in building connections and helping people.” 

Nationwide, federal policy might also be shifting away from incarceration and towards a strategy of harm reduction, according to John Hamilton, president and CEO of Liberation Programs, a Connecticut drug treatment and prevention organization that incorporates harm reduction practices. He pointed to a recent grant announced by the Bureau of Justice Assistance that provides funding for “comprehensive programs in response to the overdose crisis.” 

A more trustworthy medical system 

Even more than law enforcement, people who use drugs express distrust of one institution in particular: the medical system.

Jess said she hadn’t had much involvement with the police. But when it came to hospitals, her response was instant.

“Their bedside manner is terrible,” Jess said. “Everyone that I know that has been to the hospital all last year has had something to say, like how they’ve been rude and treated badly if they had addiction in the past or if they’re an active addict.” 

Heimer said that most people with opioid use disorder consume opioids not to get high, but for “maintenance” — that is, to avoid withdrawal, the symptoms of which include potentially life-threatening vomiting, diarrhea, nausea and muscle pain. Costello, of Cornell Scott, explained that many emergency rooms refuse to treat withdrawal symptoms, which patients start to experience while waiting for treatment. 

Imagine, Costello said, that you go to the doctor’s office for a problem. While you’re there, you develop terrible tooth pain. The doctor refuses to treat your tooth pain, and keeps focusing on your original concern.

“You’re gonna get aggravated, you’re gonna get mad. You’re probably going to leave to try to get to a dentist to fix the tooth pain, right?” Costello said. “Well, it’s the same thing with the dopesickness, the withdrawal symptoms.” 

Costello added that this problem has been especially acute since the prescription opiate crisis. He said that the medical community has started “under-treating” withdrawal symptoms, out of a fear that patients are trying to get opioids for illicit resale. The reality, he said, is that substances like fentanyl are so cheaply available that there’s no black market anymore for prescription painkillers. 

According to Costello, when treating patients with opioid use disorder, medical providers should give patients opioids, putting them into “a window of cognitive sobriety” where they can stop worrying about withdrawal and focus on whatever problem brought them to the doctor in the first place.

As it is, people who use drugs often avoid going to the hospital and leave against medical advice once they’re there, Costello said. To fill this gap in accessible and respectful care, multiple providers run mobile clinics designed to meet drug users’ needs. 

Cornell Scott’s Street Medicine program conducts outreach to New Haven residents experiencing homelessness, many of whom also have opioid use disorder. In addition to following their own outreach routes, they often partner with groups like SWAN and offer services in soup kitchens and homeless shelters. The program’s three teams try to cover the whole city, including Hamden, Milford and West Haven.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”The Community Health Care Van offers mobile health care services including HIV testing, primary care and syringe access.” credit=”Courtesy of Angel Ojeda” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/courtesy_of_Angel_Ojeda_-_Community_Health_Care_Van_copy.jpg” ALIGN=”right”]

Similarly, the Community Health Care Van offers healthcare services out of its 40-foot mobile clinic in the Hill, Fair Haven, Newhallville and other neighborhoods. Altice said the CHCV was the nation’s first mobile healthcare van when it was created 30 years ago, during the AIDS epidemic. 

“The trust issue is really important,” Altice said. He noted that offering mobile services is central to the harm reduction approach — the van is quite literally meeting patients where they are. 

Trust, Costello added, comes from consistency: showing up in the same areas every week, reaching out to people directly and following through on commitments.

Costello said that healthcare outreach programs also need to think from the perspective of people living on the street. For example, because homeless people’s belongings are regularly stolen or confiscated, Costello might distribute a smaller number of pills with more refills. 

Many brick-and-mortar health clinics and addiction treatment programs, although more limited in their capacities, are also attempting to incorporate harm reduction frameworks into their care.

Oldfield explained that as a federally-qualified health center — a comprehensive healthcare provider that serves an underserved population and qualifies for enhanced federal funding — the Fair Haven Community Health Center operates in a fee-for-service model. It receives reimbursements for traditional clinic and telemedicine visits, but not necessarily for patient outreach or harm reduction efforts. 

“Harm reduction and patient engagement does not fit neatly into that rubric,” Oldfield said. “We need to be out on the streets, working in partnership with these agencies, talking to neighbors, discussing options for care and harm reduction. That doesn’t always get remunerated in a way that we need to to maintain our bottom line.”

Federal law also constrains federally-qualified health centers’ ability to operate syringe service programs and overdose prevention centers. 

Oldfield said FHCHC collaborates with community partners who face fewer legal and financial limitations. In addition to their main clinic on Grand Avenue, in the heart of Fair Haven, they provide services at an outpatient addiction treatment program and hope to offer telemedicine at the forthcoming engagement center. 

At the APT Foundation, a substance use treatment provider, physical accessibility is linked to temporal accessibility. CEO Lynn Madden said that APT offers walk-in evaluations and same-day treatment, recognizing that many of its patients would struggle to keep appointments. 

Oldfield also noted that FHCHC’s clinicians regularly prescribe or recommend Narcan. Furthermore, when treating people with substance use disorders, they understand that “for a lot of people who use substances, their goal may not be abstinence.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”In addition to clean syringes, SWAN distributes safer injection kits.” credit=”Courtesy of Emme Magliato” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/courtesy_of_emme_magliato_-_Materials_for_a_safer_injection_kit-2-scaled.jpg” ALIGN=”right”]

Hamilton said that Liberation Programs’ outreach had evolved from “recovery coaches” to “overdose response specialists.” When engaging with people after an overdose, the coaches used to ask, “What does your recovery look like to you?” and “How can I help you in your recovery?” Now, they ask, “How can we help you today?”

“It could be a clean needle, it could be a fentanyl strip… It could be a meal, it could be gloves, it could be a sleeping bag,” Hamilton said. “We really don’t want to come in with an agenda. And I think that’s the major shift.”

Liz Evans, the senior director of harm reduction at Liberation Programs and a longtime harm reduction advocate who helped establish OnPoint NYC, explained that harm reduction strategies are not meant as a replacement for more intensive treatments for substance use disorders, but rather as a complement. Harm reduction recognizes that many people currently do not want or cannot receive treatment, and it aims to provide acceptable and accessible care without judgment.

In doing so, it actually increases the likelihood that people will enroll in further treatment. 

“The underlying key is just to create relationships with folks that often are mistrustful of services and don’t feel like people have their back if they ‘fail.’ So for us, there is no failure,” Evans said. “The objective really is to build trust and to build relationships so that there’s always an open door, if somebody wants that, and in the meantime, to work really hard to try and keep people alive… Most of the research outcomes show that harm reduction is, in fact, a pathway into those supports and services, as well as its own pathway, legitimately on its own.”

Responding to community concerns

Practitioners emphasized that harm reduction is an evidence-based set of practices that reduces overdose deaths and the spread of disease while improving health outcomes — as well as a more humane response to a devastating epidemic.

“People who have a drug use disorder, they are considered less than,” Madden said. “It becomes an identity. You become your illness… People aren’t illnesses, they’re people.” 

Yet harm reduction initiatives often run into community backlash. 

In 2020, NHPD started to distribute harm reduction kits to people upon release from police custody, recognizing that people are more vulnerable to overdose immediately after incarceration. The department received “a lot of negative pushback,” according to Fumiatti.

“People who aren’t as educated about harm reduction… are more likely to have a negative view of the police, as in, ‘Well, you guys just don’t want to do your jobs,’” Fumiatti said. 

Fumiatti said that any harm reduction initiatives should be combined with public education campaigns to explain the benefits of harm reduction and encourage community participation.

Evans highlighted the importance of reframing conversations around stigma and drug use. 

“I think one of the greatest challenges for folks… is the misdirected fear that by acknowledging somebody who is still active in their drug use, and trying to help them to stay less at risk of overdose and less at risk of other kinds of harms, that is also somehow making the situation worse, or ‘enabling’ is the language that gets used a lot in the US,” Evans said. “I like to redefine enabling and say, ‘What we’re actually trying to do is enable people to have hope for a future so that they can stay alive and so that they can have some quality in their life.’” 

Senator Anwar said he is hopeful that community members will be open to harm reduction solutions once they see the data. The opioid epidemic is so widespread, he added, that “opioids have touched every family in our state.” 

“People recognize that there’s a problem, and they’re willing to listen,” Anwar said. “In a neighborhood, if you see people in dark alleys using drugs and substances, as opposed to going to a facility which has protections and a well-lit, safe environment… you are likely to select the latter.” 

Without sufficient community engagement, though, the backlash can be overwhelming. This was evident in the recent resistance to a proposed methadone clinic in Newhallville.

The APT Foundation runs four methadone clinics in the greater New Haven area. One of those clinics, on Congress Avenue, has been subject to repeated complaints about violence, littered syringes and public drug dealing and use. Howard Boyd, chair of the Hill North Community Management Team, said that local schools have had to construct fences and better lighting because of problems in the area. 

Madden blamed the issues with the Congress Avenue site on its location. Unlike APT’s other clinics, she said, the Congress site is in a busy neighborhood, where people tend to loiter just outside the property. APT plans to move its Congress Avenue operations to a new facility on Long Wharf Drive. 

Boyd agreed that the Congress clinic is in a busy, central part of the neighborhood. But he said that APT has failed to sufficiently engage with the community.

“If this is on our property, we’re gonna take care of it, but… once it’s crossed the street off of their property, it’s whatever,” Boyd said. “That’s the kind of attitude I was getting from them.” 

In early 2022, APT purchased a building on Dixwell Avenue in Newhallville, intending to open a new clinic in the neighborhood. Community members gathered in opposition, citing not only the problems at the Congress clinic, but also APT’s failure to engage with community members before purchasing the site. 

Hamden council member Justin Farmer, whose district abutted the proposed Dixwell location, said he was not contacted at all before APT made its purchase.  

“If you haven’t talked to the community, you shouldn’t be doing this,” Farmer said. “If there isn’t community buy-in, you’re going to have tension, and in the case of the methadone clinic, that’s the last thing people need.” 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Newhallville residents protest the proposed APT clinic on Dixwell Avenue.” credit=”Sylvan Lebrun, Contributing Photographer” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/harmreduction_upclose_SylvanLebrun_ContributingPhotographer.jpg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Farmer connected the lack of communication to broader tensions with race and class. He explained that the proposed clinic exacerbated community concerns about gentrification, underinvestment and overpolicing. There was a widespread perception that people would come from other neighborhoods to access APT’s services — while local residents continued to suffer from economic disinvestment.  

“If it was East Rock or any other affluent neighborhood, you wouldn’t be able to put in something like this without engaging in dialogue,” he said. “You cannot add something like a methadone clinic to Newhall without providing wraparound supports.”

Farmer said he felt the proposal “pigeonhole[d]” the community: either they supported the clinic, or they didn’t care about people with addiction. In reality, he said, the lack of available treatment is a problem — but so is the disproportionate siting of treatment centers in low-income Black and Brown communities.

Although APT has since ceased development of the Dixwell site, Farmer added that the lack of communication had set back the entire conversation about harm reduction, saying, “I can’t go to my community now to convince them we need a safe user site because now they’re pissed off about a methadone clinic.” 

Madden, however, attributed the choice of the Dixwell location to systemic factors outside APT’s control. The foundation needed a facility that was at least 40,000 square feet, zoned for outpatient medical use and within their price range — “there are not a lot of those kinds of properties that exist,” Madden said. She added that APT had worked with three city administrations to locate a suitable property.

The problem is exacerbated by the strict regulations around methadone, for both patients and providers. Methadone cannot be dispensed at standard pharmacies or doctor’s offices because it must be stored in a safe, behind a locked door with two alarms, according to Madden. This means that the number of places where patients can obtain methadone is extremely limited, although recent federal regulations allow for the creation of mobile methadone clinics. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”New Haven’s methadone clinics are mostly located in majority-minority or industrial neighborhoods on the southeast side of the city. The Newhallville clinic would have expanded access, but residents were concerned about problems with APT’s management and community engagement.” credit=”Courtesy of Sadie Bograd” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/real_YDN_methadonemap.jpg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Patients also must go to a licensed methadone clinic every day to receive their dose, increasing congestion at clinics. 

During the COVID-19 pandemic, however, the federal government started allowing take-home methadone treatment. This exemption improved patient satisfaction and engagement, and may soon be made permanent. 

Boyd, of the Hill North Community Management Team, emphasized that community opposition is not inevitable. He expressed that, with better management, methadone clinics and other harm reduction services could be deeply beneficial. 

“We’re not against the treatment at all. We know people need treatment,” he said. “It was just really a communication problem. Talk to us. Be part of the community.”

For connections to local harm reduction resources, visit the New Haven Harm Reduction Taskforce, Connecticut Harm Reduction Alliance or ConneCT Without Stigma.

Tenant Chemistry

[raw num=”1″ align=”stretch”]

[bylines]

 

nI late August, 2021, in an eight-sided gazebo at the corner of New Haven’s Edgewood Park, 41-year-old Alex Speiser joined a new organizing drive in what he described as a “leap of faith.” It was early evening, humid, and the weather was soupy. Speiser, a high school English teacher in Darien, Connecticut, walked from his home through New Haven’s Westville neighborhood, where he was due to meet three tenant organizers. They belonged to the Central Connecticut branch of the Democratic Socialists of America, and they intended to prepare a half-dozen novices, Speiser included, for a “deep canvass.” Instead of a pitch to join a cause, the organizers wanted to knock doors, hear residents’ anger about poor housing conditions, and identify potential leaders among the tenants who could join future organizing efforts. “We tried some role-play by acting out scenarios between tenants and canvassers,” one of the organizers, Luke Melonakos-Harrison, recalled later. “I think we’ve refined our talking points since then.”

 

Speiser, who often pairs tortoise-shell eyeglasses with a plaid shirt and jeans, avoided get-out-the-vote efforts in the past, feeling that the easy sells of preachy politicos too closely resembled snake oil. The listening approach seemed more respectful and less intimidating. He was surprised by the intimacy of the Westville door-knocking. “I could hear the fear of those answering their doors, sometimes not even opening them, or opening just a crack,” he said. Some tenants in his first building were willing to share stories of rent hikes and maintenance delays. In other units, though, all he could do was peek through the dark door slits leading to darker hallways, punctuated by flickering lights and the intermittent beeping of expired fire alarms. He suspected that people hid the truth when they said, “Oh, everything’s fine.”

 

That first gathering in Edgewood Park led to a weekly canvassing routine, and that routine represented the “embryonic stages,” in Speiser’s words, of a full-fledged Connecticut Tenants’ Union, also known as CTTU, now one of just a handful of statewide “tenant unions” in America. A loose coalition of renters’ associations, individual tenants and erstwhile labor organizers, the CTTU is part of a broader movement to shift power from landlords to tenants caught in the squeeze of American housing, through ‘tenant unions,’ which have emerged in more than a few U.S. cities since 2020. Renters who belong to the union “demand stronger rights for stronger rights for tenants; an end to displacement, landlord harassment, and eviction; and democratic control of our housing,” according to the group’s website.

 

Even among other tenant unions, the CTTU stands out for its willingness to embrace heterodoxy. Theirs is a process of constant experimentation, mixing political lobbying with digital media savvy, avoiding the pitfalls of risky rent strikes, taking advantage of public hearings and under-resourced city agencies. Most central to their cause, though, is efforts to form community between neighbors in dilapidated apartments — classes of renters who, despite living down the hallway or across the street as tenants of the region’s several mega-landlords, have often never met.

 

Speiser describes himself as a once “typical liberal Democrat” who shifted course after Sen. Bernie Sanders’ first presidential run in 2016. In the aftermath of that campaign, he is convinced that the tenant union offers one alternative vision for grassroots politics — especially since he’s met Melonakos-Harrison, whose friendship has proven especially fruitful for experimenting. One year ago, I knocked on my first door,” Speiser told me. “I would never have guessed I’d be here, still doing this, today.” 

 

A NATIONAL RENT EMERGENCY

 

In 2020, in the wake of national eviction moratoriums, shutdowns of utilities and maintenance offices, and calls to cancel rent, new “tenant unions” formed in Boston, Los Angeles, Kansas City, Washington, D.C. and notably, New Haven, to protect renters. In New Haven’s metropolitan area, where low- and middle-income residents suffered from poorly maintained housing stock long before the COVID-19 pandemic began, the demand for change was particularly acute.

 

The attraction of a tenant union is similar to a labor union, at least in theory. Together, tenants provide a collective power that individual attempts to address housing concerns can scarcely match. Collective bargaining can also mean leverage over one’s landlord, if tenant union members were willing to withhold some degree of rent in exchange for demands.

 

Yet differences between labor and tenant power can make the latter far more precarious. Tenants can’t appeal to a federal agency for registration and protection of a union in the way that employees can, through the National Labor Relations Board, after an election to unionize. In most U.S. municipalities, city governments and landlords have no obligation to recognize a renter’s association—and rent strikes can be remedied in some states, depending on their eviction and retaliation laws, by replacing the unruliest tenants with others who are quietly willing to pay. The biggest difference may be that tenants in a building, by paying rent, are consumers of a good rather than workers employed to produce that good. In that sense, they have more in common with the consumer protection organizations that serve as watchdogs over banking and credit, consumer privacy, or food inspections.

 

Rent, of course, is no mere bank withdrawal or food inspection. The intimacy of home can’t be replicated as easily as switching one credit card company for another. To lose that intimacy, against your consent —  notwithstanding the scarring effect of an eviction notice or late payment on your credit score — can potentially mean losing your health, your humanity, your life.

 

In July, 2018, Greta Blau, a six-year tenant in an apartment complex named Seramonte Estates in Hamden, began to document numerous health and safety hazards in her building: toxic black mold, flooded basements and front doors that didn’t lock. Blau, who is 54, has asthma and received treatment for breast cancer during the pandemic. She notified a Hamden health maintenance inspector, Ryan Currier, about the hazards in June 2021. Currier told her to inform Northpoint, the owner of the complex. Mold and water damage continued to appear, Blau told me, in units where families with young children lived.

 

“We were trying to figure out how to do this when I started reading about one of the Brooklyn tenant unions,” Blau’s husband, Paul Boudreau, recalled. The couple reached out to Justin Farmer, one of Hamden’s city councilors and a member of Central Connecticut’s DSA, with the idea of forming a similar organization. Farmer connected them to Melonakos-Harrison.

[pullquote credit=”” align=”full” ]Most central to their cause, though, is efforts to form community between neighbors in dilapidated apartments — classes of renters who, despite living down the hallway or across the street as tenants of the region’s several mega-landlords, have often never met.[/pullquote]

Before his involvement in tenant organizing, Luke Melonakos-Harrison DIV ’23 was an outreach worker for unsheltered individuals in San Diego, California. The position consisted of “trying to put Band-Aids on the gaping wounds of our society — of chronic street homelessness,” he said. He recalled that, once he found his clients a new home, the case management didn’t stop: landlord neglect, and routinely dismal public housing conditions, were the root problem. “You wouldn’t believe how many of these houses had bedbugs,” he said.

 

Redirecting his attention toward prevention before case management, Melanakos-Harrison joined what later became the Connecticut Tenants’ Union in late 2020. At that point, the organization was a mere outgrowth of Central Connecticut DSA’s housing justice working group. At the time, the prospect of a broader, state-wide tenant union seemed “a daunting task,” he said, given that no examples of such a group existed.

 

But interest was rising. In March 2021, one organizer, Alex Kolokotronis GRD ’23, who studies political theory, put together a history lesson tracing a century of activism in New York’s urban housing districts on the Connecticut DSA’s Youtube channel. In America, Kolokotronis noted, tenant unions were at least as old as tenement housing itself. The former resulted from the latter’s overcrowding, as rising rents and poor health conditions in New York’s immigrant-dominated tenements spurred radical political organizing in the early twentieth century. “We are asking you not to hire rooms in that house,” residents of the Lower East Side wrote in 1904 on a sidewalk card, in Yiddish and English, during a general rent strike led by young Jewish women. “We want to put a stop to it once and for all. Keep away.”

 

By January of the next year, the renters at Seramonte Estates, led by Blau and Boudreau, began to organize. In February, they hosted their first canvass. While the temperature was freezing, Blau said, “It was really surprising, because I liked it.” Many of the residents were isolated in the complex, and “it was amazing to talk to somebody who’s so alone. Today, membership in the union at Seramonte Estates encompasses more than 250 tenants.

 

An Experiment in New Haven 

 

For a DSA-born alliance of graduate students, labor organizers and low-income renters, the rekindled interest in tenant unions around the country — as well as local independent efforts like those of Seramonte Estates — offered sources of insight. The Connecticut organizers invited a speaker from the Greater Boston Tenants Union to compare strategies and provide training. They consulted a thirty-page handbook entitled “No Job, No Rent: Ten Months of Organizing the Tenant Struggle,” created by Stomp Out Slumlords, a D.C. tenant union and advocacy group that formed in 2018. The handbook bemoaned “the rituals of liberal NGO politics,” celebrating instead a “capacity for direct action” and change driven from below— capacities that also appealed to tenant organizations across Connecticut. 

 

The handbook’s assumption that more radical, grassroots tenant unions would clash with other NGOs was perhaps unsurprising, given its origins; Stomp Out Slumlords themselves left the D.C. Tenants Union in September 2020, due to creative differences. Yet their strategy of going it alone was risky, particularly when rent strikes were involved. On the one hand, strikes in D.C. were successful in bringing the attention of media and public officials to poor housing conditions — or at least, they were during an eviction moratorium dating to the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. Once those moratoriums ended, the costs for tenants who participated in a strike grew: eviction, an affected credit report, a lawsuit from their landlord to obtain the leftover rent.

 

The Connecticut organizers suspected that New Haven could present a smoother route. In D.C., “you couldn’t just call up your Alder like you can in New Haven and set up a meeting,” Melanakos-Harrison said. “Here, there’s thirty of them in a small little town.” With fewer degrees of separation between Alders, tenants, and city agencies, more avenues and levers of power were available to tenant organizers — fines, court filings, and calls for greater regulatory funding. Once the Connecticut eviction moratorium expired in June 2021, the union would need any institutional leverage that it could find.

 

Building that leverage would mean targeting two institutions: the Livable City Initiative, also known as LCI, and Connecticut’s Fair Rent Commissions, both of which are present in New Haven and some surrounding towns. LCI, New Haven’s housing code enforcement agency, provided tenants an avenue for filing individual complaints about housing codes and conditions — although timely response and enforcement was another story. The Fair Rent Commission, formed in 1984 to “control and eliminate excessive rental charges on residential housing,” according to the city’s website, can initiate a public hearing, after a tenant files a complaint. While a complaint is under consideration, the Commission can choose to suspend payments or freeze a tenant’s rent to its former amount before the increase.

[pullquote credit=”” align=”full” ]In New Haven’s metropolitan area, where low- and middle-income residents suffered from poorly maintained housing stock long before the COVID-19 pandemic began, the demand for change was particularly acute.[/pullquote]

The CTTU sees both agencies, with respect to their funding, personnel, and legal powers, as potential levers that can shift power into tenants’ favor when grievances or rent increases arise. Melonakos-Harrison thought the Fair Rent Commission was particularly under-utilized: in 2020, the Commission finally hired another employee in what was previously a one-person office.

 

As I spoke to more organizers, another difference of New Haven struck me besides the city’s size: the structure of the property market was distinct from larger cities too. Extractive landlords are abundant in New York and Los Angeles, but those cities are large enough that no one (or two, or three) property owners can corner the market quite like they can in New Haven. For the past decade, housing in Connecticut’s third-largest city has been dominated by three competing firms: Ocean, Pike and Mandy Management. As the New Haven Independent reported this March, Mandy Management affiliates purchased 558 apartments in New Haven in 2021; Ocean Management attempted to sell 399. Rentals in New Haven are a seller’s market, even as many properties are labeled as “distressed” housing stock. Low- and middle-income residents, regardless of industry or employment, have little choice but to rent from them.

 

At first, CTTU membership followed the directions in the “No Job, No Rent” handbook: let tenants take the lead first, and form a union later. By filing individual LCI violations and Fair Rent Commission complaints at the same time, tenants would experience — they hoped — the social chemistry necessary to form a new union, affiliated with CTTU but nonetheless independent. An early victory at Windsor Housing Authority in central Connecticut seemed to confirm the approach. Residents of the building, which largely constituted low-income housing for seniors and persons with disabilities, met with CTTU organizers during a fair rent hearing in Hartford. The residents of Windsor Housing Authority had begun to form a union as early as January. By May 2021, with the help of CTTU, the Windsor tenants accomplished one positive change: the contract of the complex’s executive director, whom they blamed for poor maintenance, was terminated.

 

CTTU’s advocacy in other arenas also bore significant legislative fruit, boosting morale. On May 27, 2021, a bill to protect the right to counsel in housing courts’ eviction cases in Connecticut, passed both houses of the state’s legislature and arrived on the Governor’s desk. The CTTU had advocated for its passage for five months. “We were sort of riding high on that victory and wanting to get in more grassroots organizing and face-building work and real, you know, bread-and-butter organizing in terms of building working class institutions,” Melonakos-Harrison said.

 

Eventually, though, the strategy of taking action before forming a union organization fell apart. “The reasons tenants don’t want to submit complaints as individuals are extremely reasonable and rational,” Melanakos-Harrison explained. “Your landlord will know exactly who you are. And if you just call LCI on your own and request inspections, your landlord knows that you did that.” At the Fair Rent Commission in New Haven or Hamden, a tenant who individually filed a complaint would have to face their landlord — or more likely, their landlord’s attorney — alone, and contest the claim. “People intuitively understood how risky that was for their housing situation,” Melanakos-Harrison said. Retaliation did not have to consist of eviction to be risky: it could mean renewed harassment, neglect to attend to repair and maintenance, or even failure to renew a lease.

 

Igniting the social solidarity necessary to form a union, the organizers realized, required a spark—this time, in the form of CTTU itself. Their second experiment took place at Quinnipiac Gardens, a nine-building mid-century complex in New Haven’s northeasternmost corner, cut off from the rest of the city by the Quinnipiac and Mill rivers. Tenants complained of water damage, black mold, and broken appliances, and demanded repairs done in apartments. In August 2021, the CTTU organized ten members into “a direct action” at Pike International’s headquarters, on Howe Street across the river. They were armed with a petition: fix the mold and water, and put an end to irregular rent increases. Most of all, they wanted a document in hand, their own copy of the report that an inspection occurred. 

 

The union also pivoted to the city for recourse, facilitating the arrival of the Livable Cities Initiative director, Arlevia Samuel, to inspect poor conditions in the cinder-block properties. Eventually the city dedicated a weekly inspector to Quinnipiac Gardens, at a predictable day and time. As the movement bled into November, the union won tenants the right to receive their own regular inspection reports, instead of phoning a number that may never get a callback.

 

“We’ve just been experimenting with so many different things this year,” Melanakos-Harrison said. Experimentation left him more confident than recalcitrant: he observed that “we aren’t following the Stop Slumlords model as much as I thought we would.” By this summer, he was ready to return to the “No Job, No Rent” handbook with suggestions for improvement.

 

The union’s experimentation often took an aesthetic turn. The two “Ts” in the CTTU logo lean inward, creating the illusion within the logo’s center of a gabled house. On their website, the CTTU offers visitors an array of colorful designer tees and tote bags. One T-shirt reads “Evict Your Landlord!” above a rainbow encompassing New Haven; another, depicting a red-eyed mug surrounded by insects, dons the caption, “We’re Taking Back the Hive!” Melonakos-Harrison drew my attention to the motifs of buzzing, swarming animals throughout the design: thousands of bees, bats and wasps. “Landlords have capital,” he said. “We have people power.”

 

Hamden’s Push for Dignity

 

On Sept. 6, the CTTU shared some welcome news on its Twitter account: the New Haven Board of Alders had passed an ordinance to formally recognize would-be tenant unions, provided that a majority of renters voted in support of them. The rule meant that, in Fair Rent Commission proceedings, unions could represent themselves, cooperate in investigations of unfair rent increases, and testify on behalf of their members.

 

For Blau’s union, the examples set in New Haven inspired similar tactics in Hamden. In a September 15 hearing over Zoom, the city of Hamden hosted its first Fair Rent Commission meeting to hear complaints about unfair rent increases. All the complainants at the hearing were tenants at Seramonte Estates. Blau, Melonakos-Harrison, and other CTTU affiliates attended; they would testify on behalf of the tenants.

 

The first tenant to speak, Sameed Iqbal, lived in a five-bedroom apartment with his brother’s family and aging parents. He said he faced a rent hike from $2,000 to $3,500, a 75 percent increase. Soon afterward, Kirk Westfall, the attorney representing Northpoint, Seramonte’s property manager, requested to delay the meeting’s conclusion until October, claiming he needed more time to prepare. The delay could mean that Iqbal and the complainants would be liable for September’s increased rent.

 

“Can I ask a question, please?” Blau interjected. “We’ve been trying to get the management to speak with us since July. Or even before that, I think, June? So that’s been months, and honestly, I don’t think that’s a good reason for a continuance. I also think that we could go forward tonight with our statements, and that we adjourn another day for Mr. Westfall to do his part.” She went on. “My question is, which rents are not going to get raised? Everybody’s? Are they going to continue raising everybody else’s rent?”

 

“Well, the Fair Rent Commission only has jurisdiction over people who file complaints,” Conte Robinson, a member of the Hamden Commission, said.

 

“I understand that. We have a lot of other complaints,” said Blau.

 

“Well, you may have, but the Fair Rent Commission can only deal with the complaints that are before them,” said Robinson.

 

“We have complaints before the Fair Rent Commission, is what I’m trying to say,” said Blau.

 

The Commission allowed three of the tenant complainants to testify that night; Melonakos-Harrison served as a Spanish interpreter for one of them. Westfall’s request to delay the determinations was granted, so long as tenants would be spared from rent increases while their cases were considered.

[pullquote credit=”” align=”full” ]Really, you have to have people outside your community backing you up.[/pullquote]

On Sept. 28, at the invitation of Speiser and Melonakos-Harrison, I drove to Hamden, where members of the CTTU’s Seramonte Estates branch, including Blau, were gathered at an intersection in front of the city’s Memorial Town Hall. The Seramonte tenants hoped to attract local support for their usual causes of towing fines and toxic mold, especially from the most prominent invitées: three members of the city council and a State Representative. They also wanted to champion a tenants’ rights ordinance  that would follow New Haven’s lead and formally recognize tenant unions in the town’s municipal law, allowing the union to interact with attorneys in Fair Rent Commission procedures. Passing cars honked in support as attendees brandished cardboard signs and leaned others on wooden posts along the Hall’s marble walls to illustrate their grievances: “No More Predatory Towing!” “QVHD, Inspect the Mold!”

 

Blau took the stand, a red megaphone in her right hand. Her voice didn’t waver. “We are asking our government to prioritize housing as a human right,” she said. “We deserve to have strong roots in our community just like homeowners!” The crowd cheered. State Representative Robyn Porter took the stage, and the mood shifted. Attendees watched, silent with anticipation, while CTTU organizers flitted from newcomer to newcomer, collecting signatures.

 

“I’ve heard people say ‘pay your rent,’” Porter said. “But I want to ask people: if you were living in chronic conditions that the tenants at Seramonte are living in, would you be paying your rent?” “NO!” the tenants yelled. She closed by giving the audience what they waited for: a personal statement of support for legislation that the Connecticut legislature would consider “in 2023 when we go back in January to address these increases and put a rental cap.”

 

“Let’s finish strong, y’all,” Melanakos-Harrison said, taking the megaphone. “When I say, ‘What do we want,’ you say, ‘rent control’!”

 

“What do we want?”

 

“Rent control!”

 

“When do we want it?”

 

“Now!”

 

I approached Blau toward the end of the rally. We sat on the concrete steps to Memorial Town Hall. Her dark sunglasses, with purple rims and green striped sides, covered a third of her face, which was otherwise framed by gray, tousled hair. 

 

She wiped her eyes underneath the sunglasses, which stayed on. “We’re being evicted,” she said. “Or at least, they’re trying.” The tattoo on her right arm, exposed from carrying the megaphone, was an infinity figure eight. 

 

According to court filings, in July, several months after Blau and her husband formed the Seramonte tenant union, the couple received a “notice to quit” — an eviction notice — from a limited liability company affiliated with Northpoint Management, which owns Seramonte Estates. The LLC claimed the right to evict the couple, on account that they represented a “serious nuisance,” in two counts against Blau and one count against Boudreau. They found counsel in the New Haven Legal Assistance Association, who represented them in a housing court appearance in August. 

 

The lawsuit was not Seramonte’s first involving the couple. In a separate case that began in June, Boudreau sued the Seramonte Estates LLC for negligence after he sustained serious injuries during a fall in the building’s icy parking lot, claiming the property managers failed to maintain it properly. In response, the company blamed Boudreau’s injuries on his negligence while walking across the lot, according to court filings. (The eviction notice arrived less than a month after Boudreau filed his lawsuit.) Both legal cases are ongoing. 

 

Blau wasn’t always sure whether residence at Seramonte Estates was worth the fight, between her asthma and the basement’s black mold and the threats from Northpoint Management. In the past month, though, she has decided to stay put in Hamden, with Boudreau. The organization she put in motion represented too much, and too late, to let go now. I asked her whether the apartment felt like home to her, and she said, “I close my eyes and pretend it’s just a house in the woods.”

 

She attributed her steadfastness in part to CTTU’s support for their nascent union force. “Luke [Melonakos-Harrison] has been our…” she trailed off, as a tear escaped the protection of her sunglasses. She gestured at the late September air, beginning to chill around us. “Really, you have to have people outside your community backing you up.”

 

The Next Caper, at Blake Street

 

At Elizabeth Apartments, a four-building, 70-unit complex in the Beaver Hills neighborhood of New Haven, the CTTU has launched its most recent experiment in tenant protection. The trouble began on January 1st, 2022, when sheets of paper appeared on the front door of each unit in Elizabeth Apartments, indicating that Farnam Realty Group, a local real estate firm, would take over the building’s rentals and leasing. At the time, Farnham was responsible for maintaining properties owned by Ocean Management, a major property owner in New Haven, which had purchased the Elizabeth Apartments complex through an LLC for $9.2 million. By April, Ocean Management began managing the building directly, and renamed it after its street address, 311 Blake Street. At that point, the tenants were informed that Ocean Management had no intention of renewing any of their leases. If the tenants wished to stay, the company wanted them to pay a stiff increase to their rent — and to pay month-to-month, with no guarantee of whether the next month at 311 Blake Street would be their last.

 

The landlord’s plan was to “buy this place up, renovate, turn it into a much more gentrified apartment complex and attract people who could pay those kinds of prices,” as one tenant, Jessica Stamp, put it. A six-year renter at Blake Street with deep-set eyes and flyaway brown hair, Stamp paid $950 a month for her single-bedroom under Roger Simon, the former owner. She was floored to hear the new prices Ocean proposed in its other properties after renovations — up to $1,895 a month, high for anywhere in New Haven. When she and the other tenants discovered that they risked losing their leases, they decided to form a tenant union. 

 

In July, they requested a meeting with the Ocean property manager and an attorney to discuss the change to their leases. They also had concerns about Blake Street’s dangerous construction and maintenance practices. Despite the master plan to renovate, which involved painting every possible exit to apartment floors at the same time, effectively trapping tenants inside their homes, the management had no plan to fix long-standing mice infestation, toxic mold, and rotting wood in the floors and windows.

 

After the meeting, Sarah Giovanniello ’16, a representative of the union — now termed the “Blake Street Tenants’ Union,” with a nod to Ocean’s renaming — contacted the CTTU with a proposal for partnership. To the Blake Street tenants, the CTTU represented a crucial resource for strategy and organizing tips. To the CTTU organizers, their drive showed promise: the tenants had started their union independently, and their landlord was Ocean Management, one of New Haven’s largest and most prolific property owners. The latter fact was convenient because the New Haven ordinance would only recognize a tenant union that included 10 or more units of apartments with the same owner, a description that fit Ocean. The company has been found culpable of 27 criminal housing violations in New Haven since this spring. 

[pullquote credit=”” align=”full” ]Stamp paid $950 a month for her single-bedroom under Roger Simon, the former owner. She was floored to hear the new prices Ocean proposed in its other properties after renovations — up to $1,895 a month, high for anywhere in New Haven.[/pullquote]

The union leaders from each party agreed to host a joint gathering on Blake Street’s home turf, to offer their proposed alliance to broader membership for approval. DSA organizers arrived early to 311 Blake Street, bringing chocolate chip cookies, Dunkin’ Donuts, and nut pastries from Pistachio, a nearby café, for a plastic table reception of hors d’oeuvres. 

 

Speiser brought carrots and pretzel chips. His CTTU responsibilities had thus far consisted of canvassing. The Blake Street visit, just a ten-minute walk from his first canvass on that day in Edgewood Park, would be the first new union meeting he attended: he didn’t know what to expect. Organizers from the CTTU and the Central Connecticut DSA intermingled, arranging fold-up tables and chairs in a grassy clearing tucked behind one of the complex’s four brick buildings. 

 

Stamp brought a fold-up chair of her own. She was wearing flip-flops, exposing toes that she had managed to paint turquoise without leaving behind a single chip. A science teacher at a nearby technical high school, Stamp normally exuded the confidence of someone whose “crazy skills” in managing a classroom translated well to the rap-sheet minutiae of union organizing. Headed into the meeting, she was feeling uncharacteristically anxious. She hadn’t been told the location until the last minute, and worried that “they weren’t actually doing what they said they were gonna be doing — standing up for us and fighting for these things for us.” DSA and CTTU organizers could leave 311 Blake Street the next day, but Jacob Pap, the Blake Street property manager, could dangle a month-to-month renting arrangement and prospects of a renewed lease over her head. Would the union have a plan for those consequences? Jessica Stamp was unwilling to risk diving into conflict without one.

 

Outside, the DSA organizers gathered in a semicircle before a three-piece poster board. Illustrated on the canvas was a pyramid of social class — “City Government, Mayor, and Board of Alders” on top, “TENANTS,” represented as an army of stick figures lining the bottom — akin to the famous 1911 political cartoon, “Pyramid of a Capitalist System.” Instead of that cartoon’s straightforward hierarchy, though, the CTTU poster was suggestive of the union’s multi-levered, experimental approach. Included within the pyramid were the hard policy levers: making complaints to the Livable City Initiative and Fair Rent Commissions. Encircling the sides were harder-to-quantify social factors: “reputation,” “media attention,” “existing social networks.”  They may as well have added their T-shirt sales.

 

A veteran DSA organizer, Mark Firla, explained that the tenants could have help writing a new lease for themselves, and proposing it to the Ocean managers. He had sought help in the matter from Yale Law School’s Jerome N. Frank Legal Services Organization, which provides pro-bono legal support for public interest cases.

 

The plan sounded a little half-baked to Jessica Stamp. She had no reservations about piping up: “What are we doing? I feel like we’re floundering here.” The union’s lease-writing activities, she pointed out, could be a red line for Pap and the Ocean Management leadership, who had the potential to outgun the tenant organizers. Shmuel Aizenberg, the principal of the LLC that purchased Elizabeth Apartments, had personally attended the July meeting with Pap; there, he’d boasted to the tenants about the millions in investments on hand to support the Blake Street renovations. Stamp went on to describe her concerns about the union’s leaderless structure — not unrelated to her accidental exclusion from the emailed-out details of the meeting. 

 

For a moment, Firla turned a little red, but he seemed to regain his footing as he paused to consider that the woman in the folding chair facing him might have made a good point. “We are recognizing a union here,” he said, gentle but firm. Declaring as much could come with protection, with New Haven’s new tenant union ordinance. 

 

After the DSA group finished making their appeal, Melonakos-Harrison and Speiser approached the canvas. They explained their history with CTTU, offering affiliation with the broader union and taking the temperature of the dozen-plus gathered tenants. Melonakos-Harrison’s voice rose in pitch, for dramatic effect: “Do you want to join a union of Ocean Tenants?” 

 

The vote was a unanimous yes. Stamp was “in,” although she wasn’t sure about taking a leading role in the new union. Yet the need was obvious, and CTTU organizers were cunningly persuasive. After the meeting, she said, “all these people were trying to talk to me and I felt like I was being recruited, and it turns out I was.” Stamp now describes herself as the “front man” of the Blake Street union, e-mailing weekly missives of the union’s next course of action. Once the afternoon light in October began to wane, she offered to host union meetings in her apartment instead of among the overgrown bushes outside. 

 

Most recently, Stamp has spearheaded a new tactic: encouraging tenants to leave strategic Google Maps reviews that documented Blake Street’s poor conditions to hold Aizenberg and Pap accountable. So far, they have left four reviews, all with one star. The trick was to aim for specific results. Two days after Stamp posted about a broken toilet that had been sitting in the parking lot for four months — “I shouldn’t have to live like this,” she wrote — the toilet, among other subjects of complaint, disappeared. 

 

Stamp’s daily ritual after arriving home from teaching used to be simple: isolate and recuperate. But after joining CTTU, she relished the chance to chat. “Last Saturday, I knocked on every single door in the apartment complex. I probably talked to about 25 people,” she said. “I can’t have a weekend day of just being an isolated hermit. I mean, I like talking to people. I like feeling useful. I like seeing people’s needs get met.”

 

Her evolution reflected the hopes of CTTU as a whole, which were rarely rewarded with unambiguous success. But they were also far from unfounded. On Oct. 19, after hearing further testimony, including from Melonakos-Harrison, the Hamden Fair Rent Commission voted to freeze rent increases for three of the Seramonte tenants who filed complaints in September. In the wake of the decision, Greta Blau reflected on the psychological relief, after the toll of so much neglect. “It gets very depressing after a while,” she said. “And finally someone’s like, ‘Here’s a way to do this together,’ and then you feel less alone.”



New Haven on the Mend

[raw num=”1″ align=”stretch”]

[bylines]

“On Dixwell Avenue in New Haven’s Newhallville neighborhood, a large billboard reads: “STOP THE APT FOUNDATION FROM RELOCATING TO NEWHALLVILLE.” When the APT Foundation, a Connecticut not-for-profit organization that provides addiction treatment services, purchased 794 Dixwell, a building at the corner of Dixwell Avenue and Elizabeth Street, in January of this year, they planned to use the space as their new foundation headquarters as well as a substance use disorder treatment facility and methadone clinic. The foundation’s intention to purchase the building was not disclosed to community leaders beforehand, and massive pushback from the Newhallville community has complicated the foundation’s plans to move into the neighborhood.

Newhallville, a neighborhood on the New Haven-Hamden border, is home to longtime residents who care deeply about their community. The neighborhood is battling a variety of systemic issues: poverty, violence and lack of access to healthy foods, amongst others. The area’s residents view the APT Foundation’s move into the neighborhood as yet another roadblock to progress. “We are looking to move forward … in a more positive community … with things that can help us and support us … and not stress our community where it’s going to go backwards,” said Jeanette Sykes, chairwoman of the Newhallville-Hamden Strong movement.

The APT Foundation, founded in 1970 by Herb Kleber, a former faculty member of the Yale School of Medicine’s Department of Psychiatry, is one of the oldest addiction treatment programs in the United States. The foundation uses a holistic treatment approach and provides mental health counseling, primary care, housing assistance and vocational training to its patients, in addition to the implementation of pharmacological treatment methods such as methadone maintenance. “At the APT Foundation, we have a very integrated care model,” shared Jeanette Tetrault, a Yale professor of medicine and public health and a staff physician at the foundation. “We provide on-site primary care … as well as having a distinct role in the management of substance use disorder with our patients. We also provide integrated care for things we commonly see in patients with substance use disorder, like HIV and hepatitis C treatment.” Opioid use disorder is not an illness with a wholesale treatment, and the foundation combines a variety of methods to best suit their patients’ needs.

Medication treatment for substance use disorder has proven to be one of the most effective rehabilitation methods for opioid use disorder. Methadone is an inexpensive, long-acting opioid that, when administered properly and consistently, can allow those recovering from opioid use disorder to stabilize and resume daily life with a decreased risk of overdose should they relapse. Robert Heimer, a professor of epidemiology and pharmacology at the Yale School of Public Health, described it as the “gold standard treatment for opioid use disorder.” Methadone works by fulfilling a biological need which has been produced by long-term opiate use. Methadone maintenance, the prescription use of methadone, doesn’t get users high, it simply allows people to feel normal again and to lead their lives without debilitating cravings or discomfort that might encourage some to return to illicit drug use. Other treatments such as buprenorphine and naltrexone are available as well.

While the medical community has understood the effectiveness of methadone for treating opioid use disorder since the 1960s, stigma, ethical concerns and an abstinence-only mindset within the community itself has left methadone as a highly regulated substance. Methadone can only be administered at special clinics, such as those run by the APT Foundation, which are sequestered from general medical services. “A state like Connecticut has 7,000 to 10,000 people a year who are getting abstinence-based treatment and having their tolerance reduced,” Heimer pointed out. If those people relapse and come into contact with fentanyl, their bodies are much less prepared to take on such a potent substance, leading to fatal overdose. Those in methadone treatment programs are less likely to relapse in the first place because their chemical cravings are being met, and if they do relapse, their tolerance is higher, so they are at a lower risk of overdose. The treatment is often used in conjunction with therapy or counseling.

The APT Foundation uses an open access model, meaning the clinics accept walk-in patients for voluntary treatment and counseling regardless of their ability to pay. “We really, really work hard not to turn patients away from treatment and also to keep them engaged in care,” Tetrault explained. The organization treats 8,000 people every year, and people from outside of New Haven commute into the city to receive treatment at their clinics. 

For several decades, New Haven has been in the throes of an opioid crisis that has only grown from year to year, parallel to national trends. Twenty-eight percent of Connecticut’s drug overdose deaths since 2015 have taken place in New Haven County, despite the city making up just under a quarter of the Connecticut population. The Connecticut Department of Public Health has tracked the number of unintentional overdose deaths in the state since 2015, which are accessible through a data dashboard. The number of drug-related deaths rises every year, with a 12 percent increase between 2020 and 2021. The COVID-19 pandemic increased the already-growing number of people using drugs and dying from drug use.

[pullquote credit=”” align=”full” ] Addiction is a community issue, and it requires community compassion and response. [/pullquote]

The New Haven Harm Reduction Task Force, founded in 2020, oversees many of the city’s harm reduction programs. “Harm reduction aims to decrease economic and social burdens and help save lives by equipping drug users with the tools necessary to keep themselves and the community safe,” Andressa Granado, an opioid community health worker on the New Haven Harm Reduction Task Force, said. “This could mean providing folks with drug checking supplies such as fentanyl testing strips, or making clean syringes available to prevent the spread of HIV or HEP C.” Their work includes facilitating syringe collection sites, medication take back days and awareness campaigns which aim to foster a sense of community and destigmatize substance use disorder. “Addiction is a community issue, and it requires community compassion and response.”

Increased prescription of opioids in the 1980s and 1990s to address the United States’ undertreated chronic pain problem sowed the seeds of today’s drug epidemic. “The medical establishment and the insurance companies created a situation that the pharmaceutical industry leapt on— it greatly expanded access to pharmaceutical opioids,” Heimer explained. Around 2011, new regulations significantly reduced the amount of pharmaceutical opioids available, but the problem really only started there. “We didn’t increase treatment. … We just cut people loose,” Heimer said. “Some people stopped using [opioids] … Some people couldn’t, so they had to find alternatives.” Many people develop a chemical dependence on their prescribed opiates or get them from a friend or family member with a prescription. When these prescriptions run out, some people turn to illegal drugs to avoid withdrawals.

In the last decade, the proliferation of fentanyl and other synthetic opioids on the illicit drug market has further caused overdoses to soar. Since 2015, fentanyl has been a leading cause of drug-related deaths in Connecticut; it was involved in 71 percent of fatal overdoses. Fentanyl is much stronger than other drugs such as cocaine or heroin and is often mixed in with other substances to make a cheaper product that is also more potent and addictive. Many users are unaware that the drugs they have been sold contain fentanyl.

The city of New Haven, along with other major urban areas in Connecticut such as Hartford, Bridgeport, and Waterbury, has become a hotspot for fatal overdoses. These cities have a far greater instance of drug-related deaths than the cities, towns and suburbs they neighbor. This is in part due to the concentrated populations of these cities, but the design of the state’s public and social service infrastructure contributes to these numbers as well. “New Haven is the magnet for the poor, displaced, and evicted people whose drug use in the suburbs makes their continued living in the suburbs unsustainable,” Heimer said. “Public health, education, housing, transportation — all those things are sort of seen as city or state responsibility.” 

Methadone treatment is daily for many patients, so they are required to return to a clinic every day to receive treatment. Due to this model, methadone treatment becomes inaccessible to many who are not easily able to visit a clinic every day. Connecticut’s Department of Mental Health and Addiction Services categorizes treatment programs by region. Five out of nine of Region Two’s methadone treatment programs are located in New Haven. These nine clinics, four of which are run by the APT Foundation, are intended to service 36 cities and towns in southern central Connecticut. New Haven is grappling with the drug use of not only its own residents, but also the residents of surrounding communities, and its opioid treatment programs take on regional responsibilities, as other communities without reduction and drug use prevention programs rely on New Haven for medical services and treatment programs. 

The APT Foundation’s proposed headquarters location “is [in] one of the areas in Newhallville that is making a really strong comeback,” said Barbara Vereen, a local representative of Newhallville and an organizer of the Newhallville-Hamden Strong coalition. “We built a park in that area. The businesses are coming back and thriving. We worked very hard to push in that area to make sure that we cleaned up.” The park in question was once the “Mud Hole,” a vacant lot central to Newhallville’s drug trade. It is now a community greenspace site, in essence a public park, called the Learning Corridor. A Connecticut transit bus stop near the clinic is across the street from this park. The Lincoln-Bassett Community School, a public elementary school, is just down the block.

“Bringing in a methadone clinic can set our neighborhood backwards,” Vereen added. She enumerated her concerns: patients will have to wait outside the clinic for their treatment, needles will be discarded around the clinic, the infrastructure of the area is not prepared for the influx of traffic from outsiders coming to the clinic and the building is not in an accessible spot for those coming from outside the city. “We’re a neighborhood that’s dealing with trauma and to put something that’s going to cause more trauma and cause more issues is not good.”

Katurah Bryant, a licensed alcohol and drug counselor and the former assistant clinical director at the Connecticut Mental Health Center in the substance abuse treatment unit, shares these concerns. She believes that neighborhoods like Newhallville, those that are “already economically and financially depressed, largely because we do not receive funds that other neighborhoods receive,” are often taken advantage of as spaces for opioid treatment programs. 

The relationship between Newhallville and the APT Foundation was contentious from the start. Newhallville residents expressed frustration that the APT Foundation was not in touch with their community representatives before purchasing the building. Lynn Madden, president and CEO of the APT Foundation, states that the foundation was looking at the building and its zoning alone without considering the surrounding community in their search for a new location. All their other clinics are currently in leased buildings, so the foundation was looking for a space they could purchase. Community members maintain that APT’s lack of consideration of the profile of the area is irresponsible.

The APT Foundation has long been a source of controversy in New Haven more broadly. “Their foundation has a track record for how they do business in black and brown communities,” Bryant said. City residents see the foundation’s clinics as hotspots for violence as well as drug use and solicitation. They expressed frustration over patients’ behavior while waiting outside the clinics for treatment as well as their conduct on the New Haven Green and other places they may visit on their way to or from treatment  centers. The clinic the APT Foundation currently runs in the Hill Neighborhood has been the subject of complaints and outrage due to allegations of increased crime and violence, drug selling and use and public health hazards such as dirty needles around the site. 

[pullquote credit=”” align=”full” ] We’ve created a system that makes it hard to expand [the clinic system] and that makes communities nervous when you say, ‘I want to put a methadone program in [your] neighborhood.’ [/pullquote]

Some New Haveners believe the clinics attract more people with substance use disorder to the city and are frustrated by what they view as poor community-membership on the part of the foundation’s leadership. “We’ve created a system that makes it hard to expand [the clinic system] and that makes communities nervous when you say, ‘I want to put a methadone program in [your] neighborhood,’” Heimer said. As neighborhoods that house opioid treatment programs will see an influx of people with opioid use disorder coming into their communities for treatment, clinics become “associated with the notion of all these drug users hanging around, and there is some truth to that.” People remain afraid of or misunderstand what having people with substance abuse order in their neighborhoods means for their communities; some may also be ignorant of the fact that members of their own communities are struggling with addiction.

At a monthly meeting of the Downtown-Wooster Square Community Management Team in 2018, Madden refuted many of the allegations against the foundation, citing its important work in the community and the steps it has taken to address concerns and be in communication with the neighborhoods that house its clinics. Her comments were not well received by the New Haveners at the meeting, particularly those who live or operate businesses near the APT Foundation’s clinics. The foundation’s unresponsiveness to previous attempts by community members to reach out has left some skeptical about the organization’s commitment to mending its relationship with the city.

Since the public became aware of the sale of the Dixwell Avenue property at the beginning of January, Newhallville has united to oppose the foundation’s move with rallies, public hearings, letters of support from surrounding communities and a petition that has gathered over 1, 000 signatures from local residents. Per the Yale Daily News’ reporting from a protest at the proposed Dixwell Avenue site in early February, community leaders and concerned citizens gathered to speak out against the APT Foundation’s move into Newhallville with impassioned speeches about the crime, violence and other negative impacts that the clinic would bring to the community. Both New Haven Mayor Justin Elicker and Hamden Mayor Lauren Garrett were in attendance. “We are reaching out and gaining support from the Greater New Haven Area. We are reaching out to our legislators to ask for their support,” Vereen shared. 

In their petition, Newhallville-Hamden Strong proposes finding “alternate solutions to treating county patients suffering from addiction.” “I’m not going to put [the clinic] in another community because I don’t believe any community should have it,” said Sykes. “There are appropriate industrial areas that it should be in where everybody can get support.” 

Opinions are divided regarding the impact of a clinic more accessible to Newhallville residents. “It’s better to have a treatment program in your neighborhood than to have drug users who are unwilling to go elsewhere for treatment continue to be drug users in your neighborhood,” explained Heimer. On the other hand, Bryant said, “I mean we can always, always, always use more, but there’s adequate spaces … places that are more appropriate for this kind of service than down the street from an elementary school or near the corner where children have to catch the bus.” Bryant cites other programs that are available to the citizens of Newhallville seeking treatment in the broader New Haven area, such as the Connecticut Mental Health Center and MAAS CASA.

Opioid treatment programs, particularly those which offer medication treatment, are highly stigmatized spaces. The APT Foundation’s mission may in fact be better suited for a different location, but viewing these clinics as inherently dangerous or detrimental spaces can contribute to a larger narrative which disparages people with addictions in their journey to treat a chronic disease. ​​I wish no one felt that way. Look at what we are providing, what we are doing,” Tetrault said. “On the other hand, constantly pushing treatment programs into residential neighborhoods may not be the right answer. In a perfect world, methadone, which is an evidence-based treatment for a highly morbid condition, would not be segregated from the rest of health care.” 

An alternative use for the Dixwell Avenue space as a community wellness and education center is now on the table, and Rev. Boise Kimber and the New Haven-based mental health organization Clifford Beers were awarded a $2 million state grant to go towards the proposed Resilience Academy. “It can be used for a fresh food market. It can be used for … mental health services for the community. It can be used for … our children in this community. Just by being a black or brown person in America you are traumatized, so we need healing spaces,” Bryant said. “I mean there’s so many things that can go into that space — meeting spaces, education spaces, training spaces.” 

In response to plans for Resilience Academy, New Haven Mayor Justin Elicker announced that the APT Foundation would put their applications for zoning approvals for the Dixwell Avenue building on pause to see if they can find another suitable location to move to. Discussion between local government, Newhallville residents and the APT Foundation to resolve this issue is still ongoing. Another press conference and rally led by members of the Newhallville-Hamden Strong coalition, called the “Hour of Prayer,” took place outside the site on May 21. According to reporting from The New Haven Register, Kim Harris, president of the Newhallville Community Management Team, said at the event: “We are in solidarity … This (battle) is going to have a huge impact on who we are and where we live … There’s been a unification in Newhallville that is here to stay.”

As Newhallville gathers support to keep the APT Foundation out of their neighborhood, they are also building a coalition within the New Haven community that has the power to inhibit the mission of the APT Foundation more generally. The foundation’s clinics in commercial areas such as Long Wharf have been cause for complaint in the past, as has the mere presence of people from these programs at bus stops and on the New Haven Green. Wherever the foundation moves, the community’s concerns will follow. Conversely, the opioid epidemic is showing no signs of slowing down, and communities in New Haven are going to have to bear the responsibility of treating citizens with opioid use disorder. 

The situation in Connecticut is representative of a nationwide drought of opioid treatment programs, or OTPs. For example, “the Veteran Affairs health care system has a total of 33 OTPs nationally,” Gabriela Garcia, director of the Opioid Treatment Program for the Virginia Connecticut Healthcare System, said. The clinic system not only precipitates the insufficiency of treatment availability but also promotes the misconceptions associated with opioid use disorder by physically separating these services from general medical care. “Limiting treatment to these clinics can be a barrier because A) they could not be available, and B) people feel the stigma, and they don’t want to go there.” 

[pullquote credit=”” align=”full” ] We have so demonized drug users that we don’t think of them as capable of self-control. [/pullquote]

Heimer believes there is a much more effective model for methadone distribution, one that is already in practice for many other prescription drugs. He proposes allowing patients to pick up their monthly supply of methadone at their local pharmacy and to administer the drug themselves. “We have so demonized drug users that we don’t think of them as capable of self-control,” Heimer explained. However, research demonstrates this is a misconception.

When visiting clinics daily for treatment became untenable due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, or SAMHSA, loosened methadone regulations to allow for take-home self-administration of the drug. “Clinics are probably implementing different approaches at this point, with the loosening of federal guidelines … during COVID,” said Garcia. “We have people coming to clinic once a week or every two weeks that in the past might have come much more often.A study led by Heimer at the Yale School of Public found that this model did not lead to an increase in methadone overdose-related deaths or reduce the number of people participating in treatment. “I have a patient who said: ‘My family now thinks this is just a treatment. I get a prescription every 30 days. I take my medication every day. They finally don’t look at methadone as a problem,” Tetrault shared. This methadone maintenance model is far less intrusive to the daily lives of patients. Experts are advocating for an indefinite continuation of these pandemic-induced practices, but the path to reform is slow.

The clinic-based system for methadone distribution creates a plethora of hurdles to successful treatment. Opioid treatment programs become stigmatized, unwelcoming spaces, and the clinics are often too far and few between to be easily accessible. Whether the travel time is too long to make the trip on such a regular basis or impedes patients’ ability to maintain jobs and mend relationships or people feel disrespected in the communities and spaces they have to be in to access treatment, the current model can deter people from starting or maintaining treatment, as Garcia explained. Creating more opioid treatment programs may alleviate the issue of accessibility, but this plan would not be easily achieved given how difficult it is to establish these clinics, as evidenced by the current situation in Newhallville.

By integrating pharmacological treatments for substance use disorder into the broader medical community, an interprofessional approach across medical disciplines becomes more feasible, allowing holistic care for the illness itself, as well as its associated comorbidities. “If there were changes in regulations around methadone, we could link it to things like federally qualified health centers. We could link it to hospital-based clinics. We could link it to pharmacies,” Tetrault shared. “Then none of this would be an issue.” Recontextualizing opioid use disorder as a chronic disease, one which requires consistent, accessible, evidence-based treatments such as methadone, will bring us closer to meeting this epidemic where it’s at and offering communities the help they need. 

“Drug user stigma has taught us all the wrong ways to think, feel and talk about people with substance use disorder, and it has affected our policies, funding and programming meant to assist individuals and families,” Granado said. “Until we fundamentally change how we decide the amount of respect, dignity and care that people are deserving of, regardless of their drug use status, we will continue to hurt the communities we are trying to help.”

UP CLOSE | Yale and China

[raw num=”1″ align=”stretch”]

[bylines]

When the United States Department of Justice ended its controversial 2018 China Initiative in late February, many on campus sighed with relief.

Yale, which has the oldest relationship with China of any American university, had managed to escape the high-profile cases plaguing peers at Harvard and M.I.T., where professors were suspended and arrested on accusations of spying for the Chinese government or failing to disclose ties to Chinese institutions. At the height of the DOJ’s campaign, new China-related counterintelligence cases were being launched every ten to twelve hours, often targeting researchers of Chinese descent, according to current FBI director Chris Wray. Faculty and administrators alike condemned the China Initiative, with University President Peter Salovey himself speaking to government officials about the importance of open scientific exchange. When the initiative ended, it seemed to some that scientists on campus could turn over a new leaf, thawing what many had described as a chilling, hostile environment for scientific research.

But just a few weeks later news broke that a Yale School of Medicine professor had been suspended by the University amid a DOJ investigation. Faculty quickly wrote a letter to administrators protesting the decision. Though that professor has since been cleared by the government and returned to his lab, the ordeal has thrown into question the University’s position amid rising tensions between the U.S. and China — how will the University react to geopolitical pressures, and will its relationship to China emerge intact?

“The history and connection between Yale and China is incredibly positive. So I was absolutely shocked,”  Weimin Zhong, professor of molecular, cellular and developmental biology, said regarding the recent professor suspension. “This is the history of Yale. What happened?”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Anasthasia Shilov” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Anasthasia-Shilov_Yale-and-China_staff-online-1.png” ALIGN=”center”]

The News spoke to 11 administrators, program directors and faculty members about Yale’s historical precedent of deep collaborations with China. All pointed to the continued strength of the University’s connections in China and expressed optimism about the relationship moving forward. But many warned that how Yale acts over the coming years could situate the University as either a bridge — or another divide — between the world’s largest superpowers. 

THE BEGINNINGS

When Yung Wing graduated from Yale College in 1854, he was the first Chinese person to graduate from any American university — and he remained the lone Asian graduate from an Ivy League institution for at least two decades more.

When he returned to China, Wing founded the Chinese Educational Mission, which sent more than a hundred young Chinese men to high schools across New England in the 1870s, jointly funded by the Qing dynasty government and the United States. 

Yale would eventually receive more than 30 of those young men, by far the most of any college. Many of them returned to Chinese society after graduation; one became the ‘Father of China’s Railroad’, while another founded what became the prestigious Tsinghua University in Beijing. A substantial number became cabinet members, forming China’s first nationalist government in 1911. 

“I was determined that the rising generation of China should enjoy the same educational advantages that I had enjoyed; that through western education China might be regenerated, become enlightened and powerful,” Wing later wrote in his memoir.

That same mindset spurred a group of alumni, many of them born in China as the children of missionaries, to in 1901 form Yale-in-China, now known as the Yale-China Association, which propagated clinics and schools in various parts of China over the first half of the 20th century. Many of those institutions are still operating today: Yali High School in Changsha, named as a transliteration of “Yale”, as well as a medical school, nursing school and hospital at Central Southern University named Xiang-Ya (the “Ya” also standing for Yale). The Yale-China Association would also later come under fire from those who viewed its activities as imperialist.

For decades after World War II, Yale and other Western institutions were barred from mainland China, and many organizations began refocusing on work in Hong Kong or Taiwan. After the opening of China in 1979, however, connections once again began to strengthen. 

A steady stream of Yale graduates became diplomats and ambassadors to China, and, taking advantage of the newly opened relationship between the two countries, individual faculty members began collaborations with Chinese researchers, reaching several dozen over the course of the next two decades. In 1990, Yale University Press began a joint publishing venture with Beijing-based China International Publishing Group. 

By this point, Yale had built up the reputation of its Chinese Studies programs with professors like Jonathan Spence, who mentored several Chinese scholars. Chinese students became the largest international contingent on campus, concentrated particularly in the graduate and professional schools. 

THE LEVIN YEARS

In the summer of 2008, former University President Richard Levin went to the Beijing Olympics.

His appearance was not his first visit to the country; it came after years of building connections to China. Levin, who made the University’s internationalization a core piece of his vision, kicked off the tri-centennial in 2001 by leading a delegation to several highly-ranked Chinese universities: Tsinghua, Peking, and Fudan. The interest in China as the center of this effort came from both a desire to raise the University’s profile with potential Chinese students and from economic predictions that China would eventually rise to be the United States’ counterpart, Levin told the News.

Scores of undergraduates were traveling to China for language study under the Light Fellowship, which was established in 1996. Soon, the University embarked on a flurry of formal partnerships, including a new China-focused center at Yale Law School, a biotech program at Peking, and a genetic center at Fudan.

In 2006, the University opened Yale-in-Peking, a physical hub for research to launch further China-based collaborations. Many ties, Levin noted, were sparked by Chinese-educated faculty who had maintained contact with former classmates and faculty. Meanwhile, the University expanded its international student population, which grew after the University made financial aid available for international students in 1999.

As students came from China to study in New Haven, Levin’s administration launched several academic diplomacy programs that brought Chinese leaders to campus as well. For one week every other summer, Yale hosted the Yale-China University Leadership program, in which Chinese government and university officials gathered to hear from Yale leaders about the running of a western university. Throughout the week Chinese attendees would participate in seminars on how Yale manages finances, faculty or holistic admissions, for example. Some years, Levin took a delegation from Yale to universities in China to meet with their leaders. 

“After a few years, [Chinese universities] embarked on a whole set of reforms,” Levin said. “It naturally became more of a form of exchange and commentary on what they were up to, what innovations they were trying out and what was working.”

This model was later replicated for Yale’s relationships with other countries in Asia and Africa. But Levin noted that alumni of the Yale-China University Leadership program became particularly influential, returning to China and becoming presidents and provosts of prestigious programs across the country. Alumni of the program include the current president of Jiaotong University. Chinese officials, Levin said, were opening up the country’s education system and sought to emulate the research universities in the States. 

By 2010, when United States and China relations were at their strongest in recent years, nearly a quarter of the Yale College population was traveling to China at some point during their academic careers for research or language study, Levin said.

The era of positive relations also yielded major economic benefits for the University.  Hillhouse Capital, a private equity giant named for a street on the north side of campus that manages upwards of $50 billion through East and Southeast Asia, was started by Zhang Lei GRD ’02 SOM ’02, who was mentored by former chief investment officer David Swensen himself. Swensen seeded the fund with $20 million from the Yale endowment. Lei later donated $8,888,888 million — a lucky number in Chinese culture —  to the School of Management with the goal of strengthening Yale-China relations.

During this time, the Bush administration encouraged such collaborations, Levin said. For the three decades after the opening up, American and Chinese officials maintained amicable relations, and so too did their academic counterparts. Then-President of China Hu Jintao himself even concluded his first visit to the U.S. in 2006 with a speech at Yale; his alma mater, Tsinghua University, received a similar visit from President George W. Bush ’68.

The connections formed during this golden era — specifically, through the Yale-China University Leadership program — were how Levin received his invitation to the Beijing Olympics.

The highlight of the Olympics trip, Levin recalled, was the U.S.-China basketball game (the United States won, 101-70). He also observed the Games’ opening ceremony from just two rows behind President Hu. Levin was attending the Olympics as part of a small delegation of university presidents, and was the only Ivy League president included in the group.

This visit, and many others like it, cemented Yale’s position in the international arena, and was heralded as a testament to the University’s increasingly global outlook. Every year, the University was establishing and strengthening formal partnerships with Chinese universities and playing host to delegations of students and administrators traveling back and forth between the two countries. 

But Levin’s trip also came during a very different period of U.S.-China relations, when both governments not only permitted but encouraged cultural and scientific exchange. In the decade since, relations between the world’s two biggest superpowers have soured, and college campuses are often viewed not as bridges but as hosts to espionage and threats to national security. 

At Yale, the cracks have started to show.

This year, a prominent research program — the Chinese Scholarship Council-Yale World Scholars program— was forced to suspend its recruitment from China. Meanwhile, faculty have been conducting research in the face of fear and government scrutiny. 

“I had felt that mutual understanding and peaceful relationships, encouraged through academic connections, were perhaps going to be able to keep the two nations from becoming hostile,” Levin told the News. “How I wish that were true.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Dan Murphy” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/beijing_1_CourtesyOfDanMurphy_web.jpeg” ALIGN=”center”]

A PERILOUS TIME

Maintaining partnerships with China was made more difficult by the COVID-19 pandemic. Much of China, including urban metropoles like Shanghai, remains under harsh lockdowns. Short-term travel between the two countries has been virtually impossible.

“Before COVID I used to go to China every year, a couple of times some years,” said Pericles Lewis, Yale’s vice president for global strategy. “Zoom allows for certain kinds of exchange and collaboration, but the relationship is never as deep.”

But the University’s relations with China had weakened even before the pandemic. Distrust has steadily risen on both sides of the Pacific over the last decade, said applied physics professor Yu He, who was born in China.

Stephen Roach, a senior fellow of the Jackson Institute, emphasized “off the charts” anti-China sentiment among the American public, which is also fueling vitriol against Asian Americans.

“I don’t think the decline of friendliness among the public is spontaneous,” professor He said. “It has a lot to do with how officials are making choices and doing public education, how the media are choosing their narrative.”

Lightning rod issues such as the status of Hong Kong and the oppression of Uyghur Muslims have pushed both countries to trade cultural, political and economic jabs. The last decade, Lewis said, has seen greater strain over issues surrounding Hong Kong, Taiwan and Xinjiang. Faculty engagement with China has become riskier, Lewis said, in part due to those political concerns.

“We’re not accelerating, but maybe we’re not exactly slowing down,” Lewis said. “We’re just trying to maintain, recognizing that some relationships will come and go.”

Not all relationships have been severed, and many remain vibrant. Sten Vermund, dean of the Yale School of Public Health, who has worked extensively in China over the last two decades, noted that both the Yale School of Medicine and YSPH have continued vibrant collaborations with departments and programs at Changsha University and South Central University, for example. Several new partnerships with Chinese schools have been initiated in the last five years.

But those who do engage with China may face higher hurdles. Comparative literature professor Jing Tsu, who spent the last half-decade researching for a recent book, noted that conducting research in China has become more difficult for scholars from the West.

“China is becoming less and less accessible to the outside,” Tsu said. “In the last year, [we’ve been] talking about, ‘What are we going to do? How will we continue to study China when the archives and libraries and even our contacts are closing down?’”

The academic strain between the two countries has also been driven by the policies of the countries’ governments. 

The Trump administration’s DOJ China Initiative created immense hurdles for Chinese professors and those wishing to collaborate with Chinese sources for research. New Chinese policies regarding foreign entities, including non-governmental organizations, have also made it more difficult for Yalies to access China. Yale-China Association Vice President and Director of Education Programs Leslie Stone told the News that her office has been inundated with paperwork. She called the present moment the “most challenging time I’ve had in this work.”  

“The U.S. government, especially the funding agencies and the FBI, became a little skeptical of some of our engagements with China,” Lewis said. “And it’s not all one way; some Chinese universities started to get cold feet about the U.S.”

Lewis noted, however, that the previous relationships the University had forged with Chinese academic institutions has allowed Yale to more easily weather the “ups and downs.”

Though pressures have been building for some time, discussions about how U.S.-China relations are affecting academia have burst into the open this year. In December, nearly 200 professors signed onto an open letter condemning the China Initiative.

In late February, it was revealed that Haifan Lin, a prominent School of Medicine professor from China, had been suspended by the University amid a federal investigation into alleged issues with disclosure. Whether the investigation was directly linked to the China Initiative remains unclear, but the news sent shockwaves through Yale’s research community, particularly affecting those of Asian descent. To many, the suspension confirmed that Yale too was vulnerable to government pressures.

Entire programs have been upended. The China Scholarship Council-Yale World Scholars Program, which places top Chinese researchers in the YSM’s Biological and Biomedical Sciences program, has been forced to suspend admissions until further notice, program director Craig Roy told the News. Proclamation 10043, first issued by Trump, targeted initiatives like the CSC Program that drew funds partially from military-minded schools. The Biological and Biomedical Sciences program, however, does not conduct military-related research. 

The proclamation barred those involved with CSC from obtaining visas, making it impossible for the program to admit new students and jeopardizing the status of the program’s current participants. The current students were eventually granted visas after the program funded them directly with money from the University, but that funding source is not enough to sponsor new participants. 

The proclamation has continued to be enforced by the Biden administration, Roy added, noting that contacts in the State Department indicated no appetite to reverse the policy.

“We would love for this program to continue, but it’s so far out of our hands,” Roy told the News.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Council on East Asian Studies” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/isaacphoto.jpeg” ALIGN=”right”]

Part of the confusion, Roy said, is that the government has never explicitly banned the CSC, but simply denied visas to its program participants with no explanation. 

Professor He also expressed dismay at the sustained anti-China sentiment, labeling it as “cheap and easy bipartisanship.”

Results of the China Initiative only came to light when professors were either suspended or sued, meaning that the scale at which academics were investigated might be larger than what is publicly known. Junior faculty in particular, several professors say, may be more vulnerable to such suspensions and less likely to receive institutional support.

He also pointed to the case of Franklin Tao, a chemistry professor at the University of Kansas who was found guilty of fraud. The Asian scholarly community at Yale has watched his case and many others with great alarm, He and Qin Yan, a professor of pathology, said. Such recent events simply draw out latent feelings of xenophobia, He noted. 

This environment of suspicion and suspension has left researchers scared of new collaborations with China, chilling scientific research, seven professors said. Professor He noted that he had even avoided giving a Zoom talk co-sponsored by a Chinese university. 

“As an Asian American, this is a delicate situation where I generally feel that the University is supportive, but [there is] this fear and stress that we have experienced in recent years,” Yan told the News in March. 

Others have been more skeptical, criticizing the University’s general silence regarding these issues, especially regarding the recent suspension of Haifan Lin.

“I feel that suspending a Yale faculty member without due process, and without the conclusion of that investigation, seems unfair,” Sterling Professor of Immunobiology and Molecular, Cellular, and Developmental Biology Akiko Iwasaki said. “Should any future cases like this arise, we need to know where the University stands in protecting us.”

TODAY

Though the geopolitical strains to science have touched many corners of academia, the impact at Yale has been especially significant. The University has a large percentage of faculty trained internationally, including many from China. Its ability to attract top-tier international scholars may be in jeopardy, Professor He said.

In China, the practice of leaving the country to join academic institutions in the U.S. used to be widespread. In his graduating class of 80 from his undergraduate alma mater in China, He noted, nearly half went on to the United States for graduate schooling, with many opting to stay in the U.S. and continue their careers. That fraction has dropped significantly, he said, in part because Chinese universities have developed dramatically in the intervening decade. But another factor, He noted, is that the modern perceptions of studying abroad have changed.

“Back then, the understanding was that if you want to do good science, if you really want to push to the frontier, you should go to the United States,” He said. “We were never concerned about national security or the nationalism and patriotism you might see in today’s generation of college students.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Yale Daily News” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/story5a.jpg” ALIGN=”center”]

More and more Chinese students studying in the U.S. now choose to return home at the conclusion of their studies. Even many of those who have opted to stay in the United States, He said, are now having second thoughts. 

“This textbook notion of the American Dream has a lot of footnotes,” He said. “I meet a lot of visiting scholars or postdocs who are extremely competent, and [who] we would love to retain here. But staying here has evolved from a natural choice to a not-so-obvious choice and then to a non-starter discussion.”

Also at great danger, He said, is the status of the University’s push to invest in the sciences and engineering fields, since much of the University’s graduate research in the sciences is conducted by international students. Around 7 percent of students across all Yale schools are from China, particularly concentrated in the graduate and professional schools such as YSM and YSPH.

“With a declining interest to pursue these basic sciences in this country among immigrant populations, I really worry for how long this country will remain competitive,” He said. “… I will cross my fingers and hope to see more discussions and attention paid to this community.”

He and others noted that, if it acts correctly, Yale has the opportunity to remain a scholarly bridge to China. Despite tensions, University leaders said that they hope their collaboration with China remains strong. 

“I’m a firm believer in what is sometimes called soft power, namely the use of sciences, medicine, public health, the arts, academic exchanges to better understand people in other cultures, and to foster favorable institutional ties, because governments can sometimes go awry and sometimes institutions can be very helpful,” Dean Vermund told the News.

“Even when there’s a difficult political climate, there’s a lot to be gained from collaboration like public health, climate, law, those kinds of issues,” Lewis added. 

During the first decade of the 21st century, Levin, spurred by an era of geopolitical tranquility, saw a vision of what Yale’s relationship with its Chinese counterparts could create. Although the last decade has partially fractured that vision, the roots Levin’s administration created have allowed Yale to keep sparks of it alive — perhaps enough to last until the geopolitical tensions ease.

“We’re keeping the flame alive,” Vermund said.

Correction, April 26: This article has been updated with Stone’s correct title and the current name of the Yale-China Association.

 

UP CLOSE | “Cold, institutional, transactional”

[raw num=”1″ align=”stretch”]

[bylines]

Nicolette Mantica saw a therapist for the first time in 2017, during her junior year at Yale. 

Mantica, who was slated to graduate in 2019, was depressed. She struggled with self-harm and abused over-the-counter medication. When she opened up to her close friends, they insisted she see a therapist — a step that Mantica by that point knew she needed to take. On her friends’ advice, she signed up for therapy through Yale Mental Health and Counseling.

“I was like, ‘I’m going to sign up. It’ll get better. I won’t have to worry about this anymore,’” Mantica recalled. “I started seeing a therapist who I really didn’t like that much, but because I’d never done it before and this was my first time ever seeing a therapist, I thought, ‘Well, this is just me. This is what therapy is like, and this is just me.’” 

The treatment Mantica received from Yale Mental Health and Counseling, or MHC, continued to disappoint her. She pointed specifically to one incident, when she described the anxiety she felt about never being in a relationship and her therapist told her to “try harder.” That therapist referred her to a psychiatrist, who prescribed a medication that Mantica could not afford. 

“I definitely felt like neither of them were ever listening to me,” Mantica said. “And because I didn’t think they were helping, I didn’t always tell the truth. I would lie about self-harming. Like, ‘They’re not doing anything for me, why would I tell them when I feel this way?’” 

The emotions Mantica associated with MHC — feelings of betrayal, anger and shame — resonated with six other alumni who spoke to the News, who graduated between 1988 and 2019. The past year has seen renewed conversations surrounding the structural failings of Yale’s mental health resources, but Yale students have long felt underserved by the services and policies ingrained within YMHC. Concerns about the ability of MHC services to meet student needs are particularly pressing given a recent demand for counseling services  — this year, MHC director Paul Hoffman said, saw the largest single-year utilization increase in the department’s near-century of operation. 

The collective memories of alumni reflect that the critical student perception of MHC has remained virtually unchanged over the past 30 years. Paul Mange Johansen ’88 is an organizer for Elis for Rachael, a mental health advocacy group composed of alumni, current students and many of those who knew Rachael Shaw-Rosenbaum ’24, who died by suicide last year. One of the group’s first initiatives was conducting a survey of alumni encounters with MHC, which Johansen, a statistician, analyzed. 

“The results are incredibly consistent over time,” Johansen said. “The complaints that people had when I was a student in the 80s … are almost identical to the problems that people are having today.” 

The treatment Mantica received from Yale in 2017 continued to prove unsatisfying. Her mental health worsened to the point where her dean intervened, and she was involuntarily hospitalized. She spent ten days at various wings of Yale New Haven Hospital, taking three finals as she completed the semester. During that time, she received no communication from her therapist or psychiatrist, but she did receive a visit from a MHC representative, who stood in her doorway and told her she would need to take a medical withdrawal from Yale. 

Withdrawals can occur for academic, medical, personal, disciplinary or financial reasons, and withdrawn students are barred from campus without permission from either their residential college dean or the dean of student affairs. Withdrawals are unique from leaves of absences in that those who withdraw are not automatically granted a place at the University upon their return and must instead meet certain requirements for reinstatement.  

This month, Yale relaxed numerous reinstatement requirements. However, in Mantica’s time, requirements for reinstatement included an application form, two letters of support, a personal statement, interviews with members of the reinstatement committee, the equivalent of two term courses at an accredited four-year university or Yale-sanctioned community college and, in the case of students on medical withdrawal, documented treatment from a clinician. 

“I felt so betrayed, because this message was, ‘We’re a family,’” Mantica said. “This constant message of, ‘We’re here to take care of you, if there’s anything that you need, come to us.’ And yet, every step of the way, every person that I tried to rely on for help just told me, ‘Well, we can’t have you here. We don’t want you here. We’re not going to help you.’” 

[pullquote credit=”Nicolette Mantica” align=”full”]Every step of the way, every person that I tried to rely on for help just told me, ‘Well, we can’t have you here. We don’t want you here. We’re not going to help you.’[/pullquote]

Mantica never returned to Yale. She began the reinstatement application but felt so alienated by the process that she decided to transfer to Northwestern University, in part because she felt the mental health care offered there was more comprehensive than at Yale. 

Currently, MHC offers individual, group and couples therapy with licensed clinicians. After attending an initial intake session, the department provides students with clinicians to determine the length and regularity of their treatment. 

The department was founded in 1925, and in its near-century of operation, has been headed by six people — Arthur Ruggles, Clements Fry, Bryant Wedge, Robert Arnstein, Lorraine Siggins and Hoffman. When Hoffman took over in 2020, Siggins had been in the position for 30 years. Siggins did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Yale School of Medicine” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/acd1ee39-21d6-4c3c-9387-b4c661d88371.jpg” ALIGN=”right”]

“I think that I have the same goals as my predecessors as far as providing exceptional mental health treatment, but I think that the pandemic along with the large surge in mental health utilization have created an urgency to solve some of the challenges that have existed in the department for a number of years,” Hoffman wrote in an email to the News. “This has led to a period of significant change in the department.”  

Last year has seen reforms such as the relaxing of reinstatement requirements, the creation of the Yale College Community Care program and additions to MHC clinical staff. But as student demand for mental healthcare grows, a culture of student mistrust lingers around MHC. In interviews with the News, experts, alumni and administrators recalled the fraught history of mental health care at Yale and looked ahead to avenues for change. 

Shared experiences 

Similar experiences and emotions recur throughout alumni recollections of MHC, regardless of the year they graduated. 

Johansen never used MHC services during his time at Yale  — other students, he said, warned him away. 

“I heard rumors about, ‘Oh, don’t go to Yale psychiatric service, they’re terrible,’” Johansen said. “I was there ’84 to ’88, and that was sort of the word on the street.” 

Lisa Marie Bronson ’88, who was on campus during the same window as Johansen, was one of the students who made use of MHC counseling. The experience left her unsatisfied. 

Mental health was rarely discussed on campus, Bronson explained, but it was something that she talked about often with her parents. When she felt her mental health deteriorating during her time at Yale, she sought out therapy on her own, without guidance or intervention from anyone else at the University.

“I didn’t have any type of internalized stigma about it coming in that I brought with me, but I think if I had, I certainly wouldn’t have received any messaging or information to make me think differently,” Bronson said. “I also didn’t have anyone who would have been aware of or in touch with my mental state. I went to find counseling because I was concerned about how depressed and nonfunctional I was.” 

When Bronson began the process of finding a therapist through University services, she asked to be assigned to someone with whom she shared experiences, specifically requesting a therapist who was young, a woman and, if possible, a person of color. 

At the time, Bronson said, she had never heard of a non-white therapist, but she wanted to be able to talk to somebody about her experiences in the predominantly white environment of the University, where she often felt particularly targeted as a Black woman and an activist. 

But the therapist Bronson was assigned to, she said, was a “very, very old, very, very white man,” with whom she did not feel comfortable talking about many of her experiences. When she was reassigned to another counselor, this time a middle-aged woman, the experience was not much better. 

The new therapist referred her to a psychiatrist, who prescribed her medication. When the medication did not initially have an effect, the psychiatrist accused her of lying about taking it. 

“Outraged,” Bronson returned to tell her therapist about what had happened in the hopes that she could help find a resolution to the situation and get her the medication she needed. But apart from asking her how she felt about being accused of lying, Bronson said that her therapist had almost “no reaction” when she described the interaction with the psychiatrist. 

“When she did not advocate for me in that instance, I just said, ‘Okay, this isn’t going to work,’” Bronson said. “So, I stopped seeing her, but I was very depressed, and I definitely needed to be under care. It absolutely impacted my academic performance.”

Bronson was ultimately forced to take a withdrawal — not for mental health reasons but for academic ones. 

She fulfilled the necessary requirements for reinstatement and eventually returned to Yale. But throughout the process, she recalled, no one from the University expressed concern for how she was, or if she had the necessary support to facilitate her return.

“I wanted to finish and graduate from Yale, but my support was not coming from there,” Bronson said.

Alicia Floyd ’03 graduated almost two decades later, but her experience applying for reinstatement to Yale left her with a similar sense of detachment from the mental health resources in place to support her. 

Floyd struggled with depression throughout her time at Yale but did not initially pursue therapy. She said her first meaningful interaction with MHC came after an attempted overdose — “calm, but kind of bewildered,” she was taken from Yale Health to the emergency room and finally to a psychiatric institute. Like Mantica, she was asked by the University to take a medical withdrawal a week into her stay there.

As she went through the motions of withdrawing and completing reinstatement requirements, Floyd said the University’s handling of the process felt “harsh and liability-driven.” Although Floyd said that while the immediate aftermath of her overdose was traumatic in its own right, it was the reinstatement process that has stayed with her — it gave her nightmares, she said, for eight years after that. She felt “very betrayed” by a University she thought would support her regardless of her mental health.

“I think if I had perceived Yale as being a cold, institutional, transactional sort of place to begin with, my expectations and the reality would have matched up a lot better,” Floyd said. 

Although Mantica’s interaction with MHC came another decade after Floyd’s, she described a similar feeling of betrayal. 

“I did feel such a betrayal, and it made me feel like a criminal, too,” Mantica said. “When I got that reinstatement letter, for a long time, I wanted to go back because I loved my communities. I was involved with Glee Club; I was involved with some other clubs; I loved my friends; I loved Silliman. I wanted to be there. But the more I thought about it, I was like, ‘These people did not care about me when I was at my most vulnerable state. They didn’t want to take care of me because it was easier for me to just leave.’”

More than 30 years after graduating from Yale, Bronson has come to find fault with how her mental health crisis was handled by the University. She now provides professional wellness coaching to medical students. If she saw a student in the state that she was in at Yale, she explained, it would raise immediate alarms — “just kind of letting it ride” would not be an option. 

But when she was a student, Bronson said that it did not occur to her to blame the University for the inadequate care she received. 

“I internalized it, and I felt ashamed,” Bronson said. “I felt like it was my fault. I didn’t put that at the feet of the institution at the time at all. I felt like I had this wonderful opportunity and experience and I messed it up.” 

[pullquote credit=”Lisa Marie Bronson ’88″ align=”full”]I internalized it, and I felt ashamed. I felt like it was my fault. I didn’t put that at the feet of the institution at the time at all. I felt like I had this wonderful opportunity and experience and I messed it up.[/pullquote]

“Incremental changes”

Recent changes to the University’s mental health care resources have come slowly, often in gradual policy amendments rather than sweeping reforms. 

A buzz of dissatisfaction with Yale’s policies on mental health — and with its reinstatement and readmission practices in particular — has pervaded campus throughout the past two decades. 

The News reported on the limitations of the University’s therapy offerings in 2002, quoting students who raised the same issues, like long wait times and underwhelming treatment, that are often brought up in discussions of MHC today. In 2007, students spoke against withdrawal and reinstatement policies, specifically criticizing Yale’s practice of sending students on involuntary withdrawals.  

In January 2015, campus dissatisfaction with the University’s policies on mental health rose to a fever pitch after Luchang Wang ’17 died by suicide, citing Yale’s policies on readmission in a Facebook status posted hours before her death.  

The next month, members of the Yale College Withdrawal and Readmission Review Committee, which had been commissioned by then-Dean Jonathan Holloway in fall 2014, attended a town hall meeting with students and administrators, where students aired their grievances with the policies as they stood. 

In April 2014, the committee published a report including a series of recommendations to Holloway on how to improve the withdrawal process, all of which he accepted. The reforms, which Holloway committed to enacting for all students applying for reinstatement in 2016 and beyond, included the change of the term “readmission” to “reinstatement,” as well as changes to reinstatement application deadlines, an elimination of the application fee for reinstatement and changes to financial aid for students who take medical withdrawals. 

Since then, the requirements for reinstatement remained the same — despite renewed criticism of the policies in the wake of Shaw-Rosenbaum’s passing — until a host of reforms were announced this April. 

Dean of Yale College Marvin Chun, who will conclude his term at the end of June, told the News that student mental health had been a “priority area” during his time as dean and that he thought Yale had made important progress on this issue. 

“The Yale College Community Care program is something I’m very proud of, and I really love my colleagues who are serving with it, and I’m very proud that they’re affiliated with the Yale College Dean’s Office,” Chun told the News. “That’s a program that did not exist, and it now exists. I think it’s going to continue to have a great impact on campus.”

Chun announced the establishment of Yale College Community Care, or YC3, in April last year. The program provides short-term clinical care and wellness advising, intended to help students work through short-term issues and ease the strain on the central branch of MHC. 

Through YC3 in particular, Hoffman said, he has seen increased student engagement with mental health services over the past year.

“The major priority has been to add staff and find space, to modernize our department, to increase the diversity of staff and to increase the outreach to students,” Hoffman said. “All these efforts are aimed at decreasing the wait time for treatment, providing students with high quality treatment and decreasing barriers for students.” 

Among the other developments that Hoffman recalled from his term as chief of MHC were new partnerships with the Yale Law School, the Yale School of the Environment and the Medical School, and the addition of a second location at 205 Whitney Avenue to accommodate the addition of “a significant number of clinicians.” 

MHC, Hoffman added, has also adapted to a hybrid treatment model developed during the pandemic, the flexibility of which he said has received positive student feedback. 

“We have changed our policy so that students can utilize both individual therapy and group therapy simultaneously to allow students access to more intensive treatment,” Hoffman explained. “In the next few months, we will be allowing students to use MyChart to communicate with their clinicians at MHC. We expect that the staff additions will begin to decrease wait times next year.”

But some advocates — including groups like Elis for Rachael — have argued that a meaningful overhaul of Yale’s mental health structures can only be achieved with the counsel of an outside perspective. In particular, Elis for Rachael has suggested that the University employ the services of the Jed Foundation, a nonprofit that focuses on suicide prevention and mental health care. 

The Jed Foundation offers a four-year program that assesses mental health policies in place on college campuses and guides administrators through the process of policy development with the help of a dedicated campus advisor.  

Nance Roy, the Jed Foundation’s chief clinical officer, told the News that she often proactively makes contact with university administrators. In 2020, she said, she met with Yale administrators to discuss a potential involvement with the four-year program. 

“We met to talk about Jed campus and them joining and, you know, they never did,” Roy said. “I don’t know what factored into their decision. They are positive about Jed — they always applaud our work and think we do great work, but for whatever reason have chosen not to join the Jed campus program. I will say that Yale and Brown are the only two Ivies so far that are not part of our program. So of course, we’d love to have them, but I can’t tell you what the obstacle is.”

Hoffman told the News that the meeting with the Jed Foundation took place in the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, when it was not “the right time to take on a project of that nature.” At the time, he explained, MHC was focused on the pivot to online counseling as the broader University responded to the pandemic. 

“Everyone’s effort was being diverted to the pandemic response,” Hoffman said. “I would not say that partnering with either Jed or a different third-party consultant is a closed question.”

Even as change comes to Yale’s mental health policies, Floyd said, it can feel insignificant when compared to student calls for more major reform. 

“Over and over and over again, you see these little incremental changes being made in response to pretty large outcries,” Floyd said. “You see what came out of that and it’s like, ‘Well, we created an FAQ page,’ or ‘We changed the name from readmission to reinstatement’ … It doesn’t add up.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Lily Colby” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Screen-Shot-2022-04-03-at-8.13.27-PM.png” ALIGN=”center”]

Hoffman, for his part, noted that the University has made more significant changes in the last year, but recognized that these may take some time to have a tangible and widespread effect. 

“We have made an enormous number of changes in a short period of time, but it may take some time for students to feel the full effects of the changes,” Hoffman said. “We are always looking for different ways to meet the needs of students and to evolve as we see generational shifts in mental health trends.” 

Demand for treatment

Amid the push for reforms to the department, an increased demand for counseling services has placed a unique strain on MHC.

.

“I think that many students who receive treatment in our clinic have a very positive relationship with MHC, but I do think that the public perception of our clinic is often shaped by our wait times and limits on our clinicians’ availability due to the extraordinary demand,” Hoffman explained.

Hoffman noted the positive “significant decrease in stigma around mental health” that is in part driving up demand for mental health care. But at Yale and across the country, he added, students are also facing more significant mental health challenges than they have in the past.  

On Dec. 3, U.S. Surgeon General Vivek Murthy MED ’02 SOM ’02 released a public health advisory which warned of the “devastating” effect that modern challenges have on the mental health of youth in the United States. In particular, Murthy warned of issues like the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change, income inequality, racial injustice and the adverse effects of social media.

“These past few years, we’ve seen a lot of really major stressors at the community level,” Sarah Lowe, a clinical psychologist and an assistant professor of social and behavioral sciences at the Yale School of Public Health, told the News. 

Lowe made specific reference to “the COVID-19 pandemic and all that comes with that in terms of bereavement, disruptions to routines, social isolation and so on.” Like Murthy, she also pointed to political tensions, the severity of climate change and an increased awareness of race-based violence as contributors to an “undercurrent of stress.”

But at Yale in particular, alumni have described a pervasive unhealthy student culture as yet another cause of mental health challenges — one that not only exerts pressure on students to succeed but casts shame on them for admitting to vulnerability. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Anasthasia Shilov” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Fatigue.Anasthasia.Shilov.png” ALIGN=”center”]

During their time at Yale, Sean Moundas ’03 said, the culture among the student body was one that rewarded engagement, encouraging students to be as involved with as many activities as possible.

“The downsides were that there was this pressure to be quite busy,” Moundas said. “I think there was a culture with the academic rigor and the work volume of, like, ‘I stayed up x-number of hours just to get this done,’ and pushing through and pushing through.” 

The effect of this culture on student mental health, Moundas said, was not broadly acknowledged by students or the University’s faculty and staff. 

“It seemed like mental health was something to be managed more privately, and that there wasn’t a ton of space to talk about experiences with mental health and seeking support,” Moundas said. 

Mantica recalled a similar culture among the student body during her time at Yale, over a decade after Moundas. The attitude towards mental health on campus, Mantica said, could be exemplified by a Facebook meme page that took off while she was on campus, where much of the humor relied on playing student unhappiness and exhaustion for laughs. 

Party culture on campus is similarly demonstrative of a cultural unwillingness among the student body to confront their mental health challenges head-on, Mantica added.

“The culture at Yale was very much work hard, play hard,” Mantica said. “Like, ‘You can’t show any weakness. It doesn’t matter if you think you’re sad or struggling because everyone’s struggling.’” 

The force of this culture, Mantica explained, delayed her decision to seek mental health care from the University. Students talked so casually about the pressures they were under, she explained, that she wrote off her own concerns about her mental health when she began to lose a sense of stability. 

“The thought process during my time was, ‘I’m not bad enough,’” Mantica said. “Like, ‘I’m not actually having suicidal thoughts, so I’m not bad enough.’ But at the same time, I’m saying that and really, really  needing help and not recognizing that, because I just thought, ‘Oh, everybody does that.’”

“Cautiously optimistic”: Moving forward

Looking ahead, Bronson hopes the University will continue to treat the gap between student demand for mental health care and the services currently available with the urgency it deserves. 

The current approach to mental health reform at Yale, she said, seems to prioritize institutional preservation above the immediate needs of students. But when the University has existed for over 300 years, she said, concern for the institution itself should pale in comparison to concern for the students within it. 

“I think the institution is going to be alright,” Bronson said. “Are the kids alright? That’s what I want to know.” 

Hoffman emphasized that MHC is always open to student feedback as the department continues to develop, lauding the “extremely dedicated and diverse” teams of clinicians within the department, which he said was one of the most talented groups in any university mental health department. 

As he prepares to depart his deanship, Chun said that he has been pleased to see the stigma surrounding mental health on campus decrease during his time at Yale.

“I think there’s a better understanding that we need to manage our expectations,” Chun said. “It’s not healthy for oneself, and it’s not healthy for others, if someone drives themselves so hard for superficial reasons. What’s most important is that students learn and enjoy learning here. To work against that defeats the purpose of their time here.”

Floyd recognized some of the recent progress made but said that the historical pervasiveness of Yale’s inadequate mental health resources means that even if administrators seem to be moving in the right direction, there is far more that can be done.

“Regardless of whether they’re moving in the right direction or not, I think this is a long enough-standing problem that has been so chronically under-addressed,” Floyd said. “I think extra pressure is a good idea to keep them on the right track … I hope that they’re sincere. I do see some good movements.”

[pullquote credit=”Alicia Floyd ’03″ align=”full”]Regardless of whether they’re moving in the right direction or not, I think this is a long enough-standing problem that has been so chronically under-addressed. I think extra pressure is a good idea to keep them on the right track… I hope that they’re sincere. I do see some good movements.[/pullquote]

Floyd added that she was “cautiously optimistic” that the attitude of the current administration could be conducive to making substantive changes to some of the University’s current policies surrounding mental health — particularly regarding access to affordable mental health care.

In November 2021, Elis for Rachael circulated a petition demanding specific changes to the University’s current mental health care resources. In particular, they called on administrators to enact additional reforms to the reinstatement process — some of which were reflected in the changes announced in April — to add an affordable Preferred Provider Organization, or PPO, option to University health insurance that would allow students to see providers outside Yale and to allow withdrawn students access to campus.

“It boggles my mind [that] these changes haven’t been made, because some of them are free,” Johansen said. “There’s some things that they could do immediately. These reinstatement policies — just change your policy. That’s free. You can design what you need.” 

Until these changes occur, Johansen, like Floyd, emphasized the importance of keeping up pressure on the University. Alumni advocacy, he suggested, could be uniquely powerful in its ability to sustain a movement, even if the turnover of current students every four years limits the broader memory of the student body.  

Since Johansen and Bronson graduated in 1988, the University has increased the size of its student body, with the class of 2025 setting new records for the largest class size in history. That expansion could be a positive development, Bronson said, but only if the University has structures in place to make sure none of those students fall through the cracks. 

“It shouldn’t be possible for a student to be in a state of extreme distress or having a mental health crisis, and have that be a complete surprise to the people around them,” Bronson said. “There needs to be a structure within which people are known.”

MHC was founded in 1925.

Fair trial or foul play?

[raw num=”1″ align=”stretch”]

[bylines]

It is a sad event when a little girl has to postpone her 10th birthday party and an even sadder one if it is because she is recovering from a motorbike accident. So when your little sister, fresh out of the intensive care unit, calls you up and asks if you would stay home from work to attend her belated tenth birthday party, you oblige. At least, that is what 19-year-old J’veil Outing did. On June 23, 2005, Outing left his Stop & Shop uniform in his closet. He would be performing different work duties that day — those of an older brother setting up for his little sister’s birthday party later that evening. None of his family, friends and neighbors who attended the event were prepared for the tragedy that lay ahead. Later that evening, 21-year-old Kevin Wright — a brother, son and resident of the nearby Dixwell neighborhood — would  be shot dead, and the police would accuse J’veil Outing of the murder.

The sharp bang of the judge’s gavel at the New Haven County Courthouse almost a year later, on the afternoon of March 29, 2006, signified two things: that the jury at the murder trial, after a seven-day deliberation and two-day deadlock, had unanimously come to a verdict and that 19-year-old J’veil Outing would be sentenced to 50 years in prison for the murder of Kevin Wright. Outing maintained his innocence throughout the trial. He had a 6-month-old son at home and no prior criminal record nor any forensic evidence tying him to the murder, but Outing was determined a killer — even though the case had hinged solely on eyewitness testimony, and both witnesses had recanted their testimony on the stand.  

_____

Sixteen years later, J’veil Outing remains in prison and still maintains his innocence. The legal machinery of the State of Connecticut, however, rests unconvinced. After his conviction  in 2006, he filed an appeal to the Connecticut supreme court in 2008 — which was denied — and a habeas corpus petition claiming wrongful imprisonment in 2016 — also denied. When Outing filed an appeal to the habeas corpus decision, it was denied again. The case has garnered attention on the internet; he has set up a handful of social media pages and change.org petitions calling for justice. His case was picked up by the New England Innocence Project — a regional organization that puts its resources towards combating wrongful convictions — and the court’s handling of the eyewitness testimonies incited debate and backlash in the legal world. 

Outing is on his fourth lawyer now. He is still fighting his conviction, whatever it takes. 

In order to unearth more of Outing’s story, I consulted all of the public reports and case files available, and I talked to Outing’s family and legal representatives. I was able to reconstruct the scenes below by combing through the entirety of the court transcripts for Outing’s proceedings, which, when read against each other, help answer the question of how Outing got from a ten-year-old’s birthday party to sixteen years behind bars. 

The New Haven Police Department did not respond to multiple requests for comment. 

_____

After eating cake, ice-cream and fried chicken in the warm summer sunshine, Outing and his friends at the party heard that a fight was taking place a block away from their house on Harding Place. Not ones to miss out on the excitement, Outing and a number of other party attendees ran down to the corner to check it out. The group included Natasha Outing, Outing’s older sister; Nakia Black-Geter, Natasha’s friend; and Antjuan Martin and Erick Williams, both cousins of the Outings. As others swarmed on foot, Williams saw Outing grab his baja mountain bike and bob along.

The events that followed were chronicled by the New Haven Police Department during the trial and summarized in the court’s statement of the facts. The fight broke out between two groups of girls from different parts of the Ville neighborhood in New Haven. According to trial transcripts, police recorded the fight at 7:10 p.m. The conflict stalled as police cars made an initial round, and then picked back up when more girls arrived with reinforcements — this time in a truck, with bats, chains and sticks. Police received a second call about the fight at 7:23 p.m. According to Antjuan Martin, the girls were yelling and some were tussling. The crowd swelled and contracted as more onlookers from the neighborhood drifted in and out. A little after the fight died down for good and Outing and some friends had retreated to their porches, Evrett Alexander, another cousin of Outing’s, ripped through the street on a scooter with a chocolate-brown police car in swift pursuit. Police record the scooter chase at 7:57 p.m. Cousin Erick Williams saw the police car almost hit Outing’s mother, Angelina Outing, as it sped down the block, and so Outing and the others began chasing the police car for a couple of feet. Somewhere in the chaos, Erick Williams received a disturbing call from his mother: Kevin Wright, a relative from his other side, had been shot dead about a mile away on Canal Street. Police recorded the murder at 6:55 p.m.

_____

In the hours after the shooting on June 23, 2005, Kevin Wright, found on Canal Street with a gunshot wound to his chest, was pronounced dead at Yale New Haven Hospital. Back at Canal Street, the New Haven Police began investigating. New Haven Police Officer David Falcigno carefully cordoned off the area in reflective yellow tape and dotted the scene in forest-green cones, each with a bold black number, to mark the evidence. A cone by the abandoned chrome bike in the middle of the street, keeled over on its side. A cone by the four golden shell casings next to it, strewn like cigarette butts over the tarmac. A cone by a red mountain bike at the intersection of Canal and Gregory, with a sliver of denim caught in its spokes. A cone by the crimson puddle of blood.

The 9-1-1 call had come from 21-year-old Nadine Crimley. NHPD Detective Stephen Coppola brought her down to the station later that evening for an interview. She was nervous, and like Outing, a new parent to a baby boy. In the interview room, Coppola began the recording. The recording, which was obtained by the News, crackled briefly as Coppola noted the time, “10:12 p.m.,” and Crimley began. She was ambling down Canal Street with her 11-month-old son in a stroller, a few feet away from where she lived. As she was approaching the house, she saw two Black men riding past her on bicycles. The first guy was maybe about 5’5” or 5’6”, slightly taller than her and was wearing a white “wife-beater,” blue jeans and a black Yankee hat. He was on a chromish bike. She had never seen him before in her life. The second man was darker skinned and had on a white T-shirt and loose shorts. The first man “just stops, turns around and starts shooting,” she told the detective. 

“He’s shooting at who?” Coppola inquired. “Kevin,” Crimley confirmed. She said that the shooter looked at her when he was shooting. She saw Kevin get shot and fall to the ground. The second man on the bike kept going. Crimley, just 10 feet away from the shooting, “picked up [her] baby and ran him into the house.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Yale Daily News” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Adrian_NHPD1.jpeg” ALIGN=”center”]

Four days later, Coppola and his partner, detective Al Vasquez, paid a visit to Crimley’s home, along with two other NHPD officers. They had also identified her brother, 19-year-old Ray Caple, as a potential witness and wanted to get both siblings’ statements of what they saw. Crimley was to be interviewed for the second time, but on that afternoon, Caple was first. According to Vasquez’s later testimony, Caple was “reluctant” to leave his house to talk to the police and had to be persuaded by his mom. Despite numerous attempts to contact them through social media and mutual connections, I was unable to get a hold of the two eyewitnesses on the case. However, even as they eluded my outreach efforts, their words in these police recordings, as well as court transcripts and original eyewitness testimonies, endure and provide captivating context to the story.

In between the shooting and the following interviews, the police had created a photo array that included the picture of their prime suspect, J’veil Outing, along with seven other photographs of similar looking boys. The photo array was a yearbook of sorts, pictures of eight Black boys, all in a suit and tie and sporting a low-cut trim, all from the Hillhouse Highschool catalog. It would be later revealed in Outing’s murder trial that, before making their statements on this day, both Caple and Crimley had unrecorded “pre-conversations” with Coppola and Vasquez. These “pre-conversations” are a common practice  in the NHPD, Vasquez would later say in the trial, and he would describe them as a harmless way to  “just hear what they have to say,”— Outing’s attorney would describe them as a “dress rehearsal.” After the pre-conversations, each was shown the photo array, and each picked Outing. The second set of recorded interviews, which were eventually played by the prosecution at Outing’s trial, document what happened next.

When Caple’s voice carries through the static, he is on edge. He begins. He saw the shooter biking up the street from his porch and  immediately identifies him as “Outing” for the police. He is asked to repeat, and emphasizes “Outing, number seven.” He picks up where he left off. Kevin Wright — “Kev” — was hanging out at his house, and he did not know that Kev had gone outside. When Caple heard the first gunshot he was looking for his daughter. He did not go out onto the street, but instead, went to the corner of his porch to protect himself.

“Could you see up Canal Street?” Coppola interrupts. “Slightly,” Caple responds. He saw his sister Crimley, and the baby in the carriage, and heard the bike drop. He heard his sister yelling “he hit, he hit, he hit.” Three more shots went off, and he saw the sparks. He went back to the corner, then he heard “like six more shots.” He estimated that between eight to ten shots were fired in total. After the shots went off, he rushed to Kev and “[the shooter] ran away.” Caple scooped up his dying friend in his arms, and told him, “Kev, please don’t die on me.” He spells it out for his interviewers: “I was begging him.”

Nadine Crimley is brought in after her brother, but her second interview is brief. She is asked about the photo-identification she just made, and points to “number 4,” — Outing, in this new array — as “the shooter.” Coppola notes the beginning time as “1:30 p.m.” and wraps up by saying “1:26 p.m., statement now complete.” It was over before it even began.

The statements given by the siblings were not entirely consistent. Crimley recalled that the shooter wore a black Yankees hat, but when asked about the appearance in his interview, Caple said that the shooter was wearing no hat and had a “low hair-cut.” Crimley said the shooter was wearing a sleeveless “wife-beater”; Caple said the shooter was wearing jeans and a sleeved t-shirt. Crimley recalled another person accompanying the shooter on the bike, whereas Caple remembered the shooter being alone. Caple confirmed that Outing is the shooter and that he has known him for “about three and a half years” because they went to school together; his sister first denied any knowledge of the shooter, yet admitted to recognizing him in the second interview, after the photo identification, “just from being in the neighborhood.” She was never questioned on the identity of the second man. Detective Coppola, who interviewed both Caple and Crimley, fudged the victim’s name repeatedly in Caple’s interview, misidentifying him as “Kevin Williams” instead of “Kevin Wright” twice. Despite knowing the victim well, Caple does not point out the mistake.

_____

In February 2005, a month before J’veil Outing was slated to go on trial for murder, both witnesses recanted their testimony to the police. Crimley and Caple both held that they were coerced by the police to give their statements. In light of this, Outing’s attorney, Auden Grogins, filed a motion to suppress the statements before they went to trial, and both siblings were called to the suppression hearing to testify to their experience.

Caple testified at the suppression hearing that he did not actually witness the shooting at all and was threatened and coerced to make a statement by the police. Even from just the text in the hearing transcript, his agitation is clear. “I was forced,” he said. “They told my mother it wasn’t going to be done. I was forced. When they came, they told my mother one thing. We got there, they was yelling at me. They tried to give me cigarettes and stuff so I would say stuff. I told them I didn’t know nothing. They forced me.”

Caple said that Coppola was the main aggressor. “He said he was going to put me in jail. He said he got some boys downstairs, he’s going to bring them upstairs … He told me I got to do something or I aint going home … they threaten me in a whole bunch of different ways … He just got in my face … yelling at me, like spit, little spit balls coming out of his mouth … He was saying mad stuff … what he told me was that he went eleven for eleven, he is going to go twelve for twelve.” According to Caple, the Detectives were focusing on a few pictures from the line up — “Number 2, Number 4, Number 7 and Number 5 — and mentioned a couple of their names to him including J’veil Outing’s. “That was one name, because they was telling me he got shot … that is how I know he been shot in the foot before.”

On her part, Nadine Crimley testified that during the police interview, she was receiving pressure from the police officers to make an identification, despite the fact that she did not actually get a good look at the shooter. When she was making the photo-identification, “it [was] like they just kept focusing on that one picture,” she said. They did not point at it explicitly, “[but] they were like is that the one? That’s the one, huh?” Vasquez would later testify that “she was very nervous … hesitant to sign the photo board” and even “started crying.” Crimley also testified that she recognized a lot of the people in the photo array from her brother’s yearbook, but not Outing. 

Both siblings deny that J’veil Outing, who was sitting across from them as they took the stand, was the shooter. While they both felt generally fearful to be involved in the identification of a shooter who potentially had gang affiliations, they said, both confirmed that they hadn’t received any threats from Outing. Caple was especially insistent that he did not know much, and did not want to have anything to do with the trial. “[State’s Attorney Baran] kept telling me I have to do it,” he pleaded. “I told her I don’t want to do it. I want to go home … it wasn’t right. It wasn’t nothing right. I told them. I told her that.”

With no physical evidence tying Outing to the crime, the state had been relying heavily on witness testimony to get their conviction. But with these sudden recantations, what had felt like an open and shut case was becoming far more complicated and quickly falling apart.

_____

However, in the State of Connecticut, a special case allows prosecutors to use their witnesses’ original testimony, even if the witnesses recant. Shortly after midnight on Feb. 24, 1980, a man named John Matulionis was fatally stabbed in the bathroom of a Bridgeport bar following a physical fight. By the time of the murder trial in 1986, the state was sure that it had nailed its prime suspect, defendant Joseph Whelan. After presenting other evidence that tied Whelan to the place and time, the state’s attorneys called Louis Garassino, a bar patron who had signed a witness statement, to the stand, to prove that Whelan was indeed the aggressor. But, when Garassino took the stand, he claimed that he suddenly could not remember anything. He was drunk at the time of the fight, and a recent car accident had deteriorated his memory. Although he acknowledged that he had made and signed the previous statement, he “did not know” whether the statement refreshed his memory. The prosecution was running out of time—  their eight-ball witness was drawing a blank, even though the details Garassino provided in his first statement were crucial to securing a conviction.

Usually, courts do not permit hearsay. That is, you cannot say during a trial that “so-and-so said this out of court and I swear it’s true.” The basic idea is that it would be impossible for the other side to cross-examine this testimony. What happened next at the Whelan trial changed the trajectory of criminal trials in Connecticut forever. The prosecution introduced Garassino’s out-of-court statement — the signed one alleging Whelan was the aggressor — into the trial, and the judge allowed it. Whelan was convicted of murder and sentenced to 25 years in prison. When Whelan pushed back on the move in an appeal, the courts affirmed that “a prior inconsistent statement may be used at trial” if the statement was signed by a witness that has personal knowledge of the facts, and the witness can be present at trial to be cross examined, even if their testimony in court is different. The Whelan ruling provided an exception to the hearsay rule. From then on, lawyers had an explicit avenue to introduce a witness’ previous testimony into the trial, even if the witness recanted on the stand.

In J’veil Outing’s case, the Whelan precedent allowed the prosecution to use Crimley  and Caple’s original testimony in trial, given that these statements were not viewed as resulting from coercion. Coppola and Vasquez followed the siblings’ recitations at the suppression hearing and denied unequivocally that any coercion took place in the interview room. Both detectives acknowledged that the witnesses were nervous but maintained that each made the positive photo identifications without any outside influence, and, according to Coppola, in a matter of “seconds” and “without hesitation.” The detectives were not threatening anyone, they alleged, and they didn’t single Outing’s picture out. At the conclusion of the suppression hearing, Judge Licari, in outlining the court’s capacity as the “fact finder” and arbiter of the credibility of evidence, decided that no part of that tape suggested coercion, even though the hearing had also included testimony about the unrecorded “pre-conversations,” which would have taken place outside of the tape. Following this, Judge Licari maintained that the tape-recorded statements met the requirements for admissibility under the Whelan precedent and denied Outing’s  motion to suppress. 

So, mere weeks before the trial, it was decided. The state would plow forwards with or without the current corroboration of the witnesses. The jury would hear two versions of the story from each eye-witness’ voice and would have to decide for themselves which story would stick. 

____

I first met Outing some 16 years later in a small, suffocating concrete box of a room at the MacDougall Correctional Institution in Suffield, Connecticut. He, his lawyer Alex Taubes and I crowd around a wooden table, below the hot, white glow of an overhead lamp. Before this meeting, I knew him only from a single phone call and the cover of his Change.org petition, “Justice for J’veil Outing.” which has so far collected 1,500 signatures of people that demand justice on behalf of Outing. He looks far more hardened on the cover of the petition than he does in this interview room. In the petition’s picture, he holds his fingers to the chin as he looks directly at the camera, unsmiling: he is pensive and fighting his conviction. In the interview room, he is softer somehow, worn out perhaps. He is in the same prison khakis — a greeny-beige against the deep brown of his skin. His head is shaved bald, close to his scalp, but his beard is a little more grown out and the tips of his mustache graze the corners of his mouth every time he grins. Black, thick-rimmed glasses frame his large eyes that flit between me and Taubes as he tells me what has happened to him. He begins with a deep breath. “I played no part in this crime at all,” he says, shaking his head. “They just straight up set me up, I don’t even know why.”

Outing is less interested in walking me step-by-step through the events of the fateful summer evening in 2005 as he is in pointing out what he sees as unbelievable injustices in the handling of his case — and Outing can list many. A thick manilla folder sits on the table in between us, bursting at the seams with the papers — briefs, transcripts, letters, decisions, statements — that Outing has been pouring over for over a decade, consulting them like a devout Catholic would a Bible, or like a starving wanderer might a map, searching for all-seeing answers, or perhaps just a drop of something, anything, that would signal relief.

[pullquote credit=”Outing” align=”full”]I played no part in this crime at all… They just straight up set me up, I don’t even know why.[/pullquote]

In a later conversation with Outing’s mother, Ms. Angelina Outing, I would learn that Outing was the second of four siblings and the only son. He and his three sisters grew up on Harding Place, in Newhallville, a neighborhood in New Haven where almost everyone is either relatives or playmates or church-kin — where everybody is somebody’s cousin. When he was seven years old, his grandfather enrolled him in karate. Ms. Outing smiled at the memory, and told me, “Oh, he loved it. He thought he was the man when he was in there.” When he was nine, he was in Linda Thorpe’s fourth grade class at the Martin Luther King School. Thorpe describes him as a “sweet and lovable student,” who was part of her “little family of kids” in that class. Around Christmas-time that year, Thorpe’s class performed the poem ‘Twas the night Before Christmas, and Outing was one of the characters on stage. “I still have that photo,” says Thorpe, “You will [sic.] see a small smiling pajama wearing angel in it. That’s my fondest memory of him.”

But Outing’s childhood was not easy. During the same year of his debut as a pajama’d angel, Outing’s father was murdered. He quickly had to become the protector of his sisters, in the real world, and outside of karate. From my conversation with Ms. Outing, I got the sense that her son’s settling into his teenage years as a Black boy in the Ville during those times inevitably meant hardening to violence on the streets, which included interactions with street-gangs, but also rough-ups with the police.

Through our conversation, J’veil Outing tells me how survival in those days meant “know[ing] how to handle yourself in the streets” and how even his clean arrest record did not spare him from the violence. In the year before his arrest, he was shot twice, mere months apart. 

He brings me back to the small park by the Lincoln-Bassett Community School in Newhallville, on July 4, 2004 — a year before the Kevin Wright murder. Then, an 18-year-old Outing witnessed an argument between two kids he did not recognize. Suddenly, one of the boys pulled out a gun and began to fire at the other. “So when he pulls out the gun,” Outing continues, “he starts running away … and he’s not paying attention to what he’s shooting at.” Unknown to the boy with a gun, a four-year-old kid was nearby, within the range of the bullets. “I rushed to try and grab him, and someone beat me to it, but the minute I got right in front of him — I got hit on the back of my leg.” Outing grabs the side of his thigh, slack in prison khakis: “Boom.” 

Six weeks after the first shooting, Outing was shot again. This time it was in the foot, and it was as he was leaving the corner store, by “a kid [he] had problems with,” he said. The NHPD presented Outing with two suspects for identification, but none ended up being the perpetrator. At this point, Taubes chimes in with a theory of what that might have looked like to the police at the time. “They knew you, you’re getting shot at, you’re not giving up names, you’re a bad guy,” Taubes said. In fact, Sgt. Andrew Muro told the New Haven Register after arresting Outing on June 27, 2006  that “Outing is well-known to the police from his activities in Newhallville”. 

Outing agrees with his lawyer’s estimation, “Yeah definitely, they built up this image of me.” 

_____

The four detectives working the Wright murder did not even have to leave the station to arrest Outing. Outing explains that all they had to do was take an elevator. Coppola and Vasquez, as well as detectives David  Falcigno and Clarence Willoughby, found the 19-year-old was conveniently already on site — anxiously drumming his fingers on a table in a holding room on the second floor, after having been brought in on a drug possession charge.

Life after the two consecutive shootings had not been easy for the teenager. He had wanted to follow in the steps of his late maternal grandfather, the one who paid for his karate lessons, and join the Air Force, but the injuries derailed him. When the Detectives charged him with murder, he was shocked. “I ain’t even know the dude,” Outing said. “I didn’t know what they was talking about … I didn’t have no reason to kill him.” After making the arrest, Willoughby allowed Outing one phone call. Outing gave the detective his mother’s number to dial, got on the phone and managed to get out a quick “Ma, they tryna charge me with a murder,” then click, Willoughby had already hung up for him.

Just after Outing was arrested, the state offered him a deal: plead guilty and serve eight years in prison, or go to trial and face up to fifty years. Even after sixteen years behind bars, he stands by his initial commitment to proving his innocence. “My innocence was more important than anything,” he told me. “I’m not taking no time for something I didn’t do.” This was not only for his sake, but for his family’s. He had to go to trial.

_____

There was no forensic evidence that tied Outing to the crime, so the majority of the trial hinged on scrutinizing the eyewitness testimony of Caple and Crimley. The trial began on March 13, 2006 and lasted seven days. And, just like they did at the suppression hearing, both siblings took the stand and stated — more adamantly than they did in the suppression hearing, the court noted — that they were coerced into making an identification and that the defendant sitting in front of them was not the shooter. The police detectives denied any coercive practices outright, and the state prosecutors doubled down behind them. 

At MacDougall, Outing runs me through the other facts of his case. The lack of forensic evidence was proven in court. Not only did the bike used by the murderer not have Outing’s fingerprints, it also contained someone else’s fingerprints altogether — those of a local resident who claimed the bike was stolen from him prior to the murder. According to Outing, even the descriptions of the bicycle did not match up either. Caple and Crimpley reported that the shooter was on a trick bike, but Outing owned a mountain, or “baja” bicycle, a fact which would later be confirmed by the testimonies of his alibi witnesses in his habeas corpus trial, 11 years later. Furthermore, all that the ballistic reports could prove at his trial was that the bullets were fired by a 9mm gun, but Outing finds fault in this description too. The witnesses saw a silver gun, and “everyone knew [he] carried a Black 9mm.” 

His first attorney, now-Judge Auden C. Grogins, represented him at his murder trial. Outing told me that she failed to investigate and call to the stand any of the six alibi witnesses Outing provided to her, all of whom were at the birthday party with Outing, and most of whom were with him at the time of the fight and scooter chase. Grogins did not mention the party, the fight or the scooter chase, at all, Outing said, nor did she attempt to construct some sort of timeline in order to show that Outing could not have done it. Grogins later said in the habeas trial that those choices was part of her “trial strategy,” and that she did not want to place Outing too close to the murder. Outing seems unconvinced — the murder was close to his house anyway. 

However, Grogins did try to push back at the credibility of the eyewitness testimonies by calling an eyewitness expert, Jennifer Dysart, to give a testimony. Dysart, a professor of psychology at John Jay College, was an unusual kind of expert to call during this time, according to Taubes. The attorney explained that, due to this unfamiliarity, the judge had her introduce her testimony in a pretrial hearing, to determine if it was relevant for the case. “The courts then didn’t even allow experts to weigh in on witness testimony because they thought it was common knowledge,” he continued.

In her pre-trial testimony, Dysart ran through a number of factors that could affect a witness’s credibility. For a case where even the initial testimonies deemed credible by the courts still had significant inconsistencies, an expert like Dysart could provide some insight as to why. Dysart’s prepared testimony identified eight situational factors present in Crimley and Caple’s experiences that could have impaired the accuracy of their testimony. She talked about, for example, the weak correlation between confidence and accuracy in eyewitness identification: the “disguise effect” where “the use of hats or wigs makes it more difficult for the witness to be accurate at a later time” and “unconscious transference” where if a “person looks familiar to you, it’s not always the case that you are able to accurately say where you encountered that person on previous occasions.” Dysart also highlighted the need for photo-arrays to be administered double blind— if the administrator knows that the suspect is in the array, and more than that, knows who the suspect is — as was the case here — they can act in ways during the photo-identification process that subconsciously signal that to the identifier. Dysart’s testimony also covered the “weapons effect” — the idea that it is difficult to get a good look at a shooter when you are fearing for your life. Outing has studied the details of his case, and breaks it down. “It’s this simple,” he told me. “You see it in the movies all the time. If someone pulls a gun on you, you’re looking at the gun! You’re running the other way! You’re not looking at the details of their face.”

[pullquote credit=”Outing” align=”full”]It’s this simple… You see it in the movies all the time. If someone pulls a gun on you, you’re looking at the gun! You’re running the other way! You’re not looking at the details of their face.[/pullquote]

The judge ruled after the hearing that Dysart could only present half of her testimony at the trial, but when it came time to do it, Grogins decided not to call on Dysart at all. The jury heard none of her testimony, despite expert consensus that points to the fallibility of eyewitness testimony and the ways it can be susceptible to outside influence

The single bulb in the MacDougall interview room illuminates Outing’s face from above as he and the attorney laugh at the absurdity of it all. Here we are, in a box, with a man who could have taken an eight-year plea deal but now has 50 years because he decided to stick with his claim of innocence instead of saying he was guilty. He has seen people who brag about all the harm that they have done or the people they have killed get out of prison after much less time than he will have to serve. Taubes quips that they teach “the Outing case” at workshops and reference it in papers, as an example of what not to do as a public defender. Outing even remembers Grogins said something in an ensuing hearing that seemed as though she thought he was guilty. Grogins declined to comment.

While telling this story, Outing smirks while shaking his head. “Isn’t that crazy? And that’s why she threw me under the bus.” When the tops of Outing’s cheeks crinkle into a smile, his whole demeanor relaxes. It is not there for long, but just in the moments after he laughs, in the seconds before we have to steer our conversation to yet another horrible thing, something brief and unguarded flashes in his eyes. Perhaps it is youth or perhaps it is its memory, fleeting and unreachable, thrown unceremoniously from atop a baja bike to behind prison bars — the young boy who never got to grow up.

______

Caple and Crimley are part of a growing list of New Haveners who have accused the NHPD of witness coercion. All 30 official exonerations in Connecticut since 1973 are captured on the National Registry of Exonerations, and every one of them involves either “Mistaken Witness ID” or “Perjury or False Accusation” as contributing factors. These are just state-recognized exonerations — this data does not capture the many cases, like Outing’s, where defendants have been working to prove that they were wrongfully convicted yet remain unheard by the State. The bulk of the exonerees were convicted in the nineties and early aughts, just before and right around when J’veil Outing was being put on trial for murder.

The same database provides this statistic: New Haven has three percent of Connecticut’s population but 34 percent of its exonerees. So what was happening specifically in the NHPD? Just over a decade before Outing’s trial, a Connecticut judge of the Appellate Court wrote that “the seemingly intractable behavior of the New Haven Police Department with respect to witness[es]’ statements is deeply disturbing.” Vernon Horn, a recent exoneree who was wrongfully convicted mainly due to witness coercion, cites this opinion in his brief accompanying ongoing civil litigation against the City of New Haven and specific NHPD police officers. The brief delves deeply into the history of witness coercion in the department, and details at least fourteen known cases, including the following examples, as well as Outing’s case.

[pullquote credit=”Connecticut judge” align=”full”]The seemingly intractable behavior of the New Haven Police Department with respect to witness[es]’ statements is deeply disturbing.[/pullquote]

In 1985, Jerome Downing, cooperating witness in an investigation of a robbery and sexual assault case, testified that the NHPD officers had “suggested to him that [the defendant, Leroy Harris] was involved in the crimes and that he was “coerced into making the statement implicating [the defendant], and that he never read the witness statement that he eventually signed. Leroy Harris served thirty years of his eighty year sentence, before getting out of prison on a plea deal.

In 1991, Eric Ham was set up by the NHPD. Detective Joe Greene of the NHPD pressured witness Timothy Davis, a 100-pound teenager at the time, to identify Eric Ham. Greene threatened Davis, yelled at him, slammed his hands on the table, and told him that if he “didn’t cooperate, that [he] would receive forty to sixty years in jail.” Davis said that Greene’s threats happened off the record, when the tape was not recording, similar to the claims made by Caple and Crimley.  Eric Ham was exonerated in 1996, and is now serving time related to another charge.

Also in 1991, two witnesses who testified against Daryl Valentine in a murder case testified later that they had been coerced by and bribed by Greene and Anthony DiLullo of the NHPD. Higgins said at the trial that Joe Greene had threatened them with jail time and then given them money to buy cigarettes and cocaine afterwards. These witnesses’ previous statements to the police were also admitted into the trial under Whelan. Valentine has served 32 years of his 100 year sentence and still remains in prison. 

Again in 1999, the FBI found evidence that NHPD detective Vincent Raucci had coerced and “improperly coached several witnesses into providing false statements” that implicated Scott Lewis in a murder. In an unrecorded “pre-interview” Raucci threatened witnesses with false charges unless they implicated Lewis in the crime, and also fed them specific details of the crime that they could not have known otherwise. Lewis has since settled a wrongful conviction case with the city for $9.5 million. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=“Wikimedia Commons” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/New_Haven_County_Courthouse_October_17_2008-scaled.jpeg” ALIGN=”center”]

In fact, just after the NHPD finished processing J’veil Outing for a murder conviction, certain detectives in the Department, including Clarence Willoughby, were also engaged in pressuring a sixteen-year-old Bobby Johnson into falsely confessing to a murder he did not commit. Willoughby also claimed then that he had “a 100 percent success rate in solving homicides.” Johnson served eight years of his 38 year sentence before his case was looked at again, and the charges were dismissed.

Like Willoughby, Coppola also makes an appearance in the history of NHPD police coercion, as outlined in the brief that Vernon Horn presented to the city. In 1998, when interviewing a key witness during his investigation of the Philip Cusick homicide, Coppola himself admitted that he told the witness that “if he didn’t help [Coppola], someday he’d be locked up for that murder.” The witness started crying in the interrogation room in response to the threats. Coppola testified that his handling of this witness was “good police work” in an ensuing deposition.  This coercion also happened off the record, when the tape recorder was off.

While interviewing Outing, I quickly learned of his catchphrase of sorts: “It’s no secret.” As in, “I owned a gun— it’s  no secret”, or, “I sold drugs— it’s no secret.” At this point he has spent almost the same amount of time incarcerated as he has lived in the outside world, and in his struggle to prove his innocence, he does not see a point in hiding anything — the truth will come out some day, he said, and it will set him free. While a lot of his dirty laundry was aired at the trial, Horn’s brief details another open secret of sorts which was woefully absent throughout Outing’s proceedings— the NHPD had a pattern of misconduct, which included disturbing trends of coercing and threatening witnesses.

[pullquote align=”full”]At this point he has spent almost the same amount of time incarcerated as he has lived in the outside world, and in his struggle to prove his innocence, he does not see a point in hiding anything — the truth will come out some day, he said, and it will set him free.[/pullquote]

From listening to Outing’s friends and family who were around here during that time, a strong sense of this misconduct and intimidation emerges. Outing described an incident to me in which he had encountered Willoughby before his arrest, and according to him, the cop told him that “I’m going to send you to jail” as he patted him down on the street. His mother, Ms. Outing, tells me that it was normal to hear of young men being harassed by the police, describing the officers as “so corrupted they all just stuck together.” She said recourse was nearly impossible: “There was nothing you could do, it was your word against the police [sic.] word.” This feeling was common. Everett Alexander, the cousin who kickstarted the scooter chase the day of the Wright murder, testified in a later Habeas hearing that although he would have cooperated as an alibi witness had he been approached, he did not voluntarily try to share the information because “the police don’t want to hear a young 19-year old. You think they gonna believe something I say?”

Sixteen years in prison has given Outing time to reflect on this. He even tried to contact Crimley, to let her know that he was not angry with her. “When she came to testify at the habeas trial, she was up there crying, and I’m like, I hope she don’t think that I’m mad at her,” he said. His message to her is very clear: “The fact of the matter is, I blame the police, not you. You didn’t come up with me … They produced me and made you sign my picture.”

______

The toll that incarceration has taken on Outing hangs heavy in the air throughout the interview. It sits on the slump of his shoulders and in the folds of the small towel he uses to dab the beads of sweat off of his brow. He slouches in his chair a little when looking back, and says, “Every time I find a path that I think is gonna lead to my freedom, it’s another roadblock.” He is still trying to advocate for himself, through looking into new attorneys and raising awareness on social media with the help of his family, but the more the court has denied him, the bleaker things look.

Outing shares that he has struggled severely with his mental health and feelings of despair and turned to working out regularly to find some sort of routine.  “This stuff destroyed many lives, not just mine,” he tells me. His best friend overdosed last year. And before that, Outing explains that every letter he received from him was the same. “Yo my life’s been destroyed cause you incarcerated,” his friend would say. Outing adds, “He didn’t know how to find his way, cause we was each other’s crutches.”

Outing’s son, who is referred to as “Little Outing” by his grandmother and whose father has been in prison almost his entire life, is now also incarcerated himself. He is doing time for an armed robbery that he participated in with some other kids. 

When I interviewed Ms. Outing, two weeks after I visited her son, she told me that Little Outing will be seventeen in just a couple of days. Her expression was caught somewhere between exasperation and disbelief.

  Ms. Outing had always been the matriarch of the family — warm, but stern. Thorpe, Outing’s third grade teacher, even told me that “Ms. Outing’s kids was always the best behaved.” When her son Outing was first incarcerated, Little Outing’s mother left the picture, and Ms. Outing had to take custody of her grandson. She moved to North Carolina for a little while to be with her extended family, and Little Outing seemed to be doing alright there, but everything changed when her son lost his recent habeas petition and asked her to move back up to be closer to him. Ms. Outing prefers the slower Southern life but does not mind New Haven at all— that is until she saw her grandson falling in with the wrong crowd. 

Now that he is in prison, her grandson calls her and tells her that he will straighten up when he is out, but sitting across from me, with her soft smile and fuzzy slippers, Ms. Outing looks tired. She is raising multiple generations of children who have all had something taken from them one way or another — children who lost their father, daughters who lost their brother, a young boy who lost his young dad and a son who lost his childhood. She can’t give them those things back. 

______

The jury delivered their verdict on the morning of March 29, 2006. As the jury filed through the brass doors of the New Haven County Courthouse that morning, the dense clouds of dawn-break would have slowly begun opening up to reveal the cerulean sky. The jurors would have followed a court marshal up the stone steps of the building, trailing in behind the spectators, legal counsel and court employees. 

A discerning, assured Lady Justice figurine would have sat among the marble carvings atop the entrance to the building. She presides over the courthouse and has done so since the building’s completion in 1914. The light catches on the folds of her robe and a netting has recently been installed to prevent birds from nesting in the dark crevices of her billowing skirt.  Designed by J. Massey Rhind, she sits in the center of the tympanum, balanced and stern, adorned and omniscient, surrounded by her compatriots, each representing an aspect of the proceedings down below: Victory, Precedence, Accuracy, Common Law, Statutory Law, Progress and Commerce. She would have caught a glimpse of all those that were involved in the murder trial that was taking place, except for the accused himself. 

Like most being brought to the courthouse from a prison, Outing had begun what would become some of the most confusing and painful days of his life by entering a side door that led into the basement. For the seven days of jury deliberations leading up to his conviction on March 29, he had trailed through the side doors to change out of his prison uniform before being led upstairs to wave hello to the jurors. “I was like the welcoming committee” he jokes with me. He makes a point to say that he waved to them every morning except for the day he was convicted. “I don’t know why,” he told me. “I just didn’t do it.”

 On the sixth day of deliberations, the jury sent a note to the judge indicating that they were “hopelessly deadlocked” and that they requested, amongst other things, that the judge read them the charge on determining proof beyond reasonable doubt. The judge reaffirmed that it is a “a real doubt, an honest doubt, a doubt that has its foundation in the evidence or lack of evidence. It is doubt that is honestly entertained and is reasonable in light of the evidence after a fair comparison and careful examination.” A day later, the jury found J’veil Outing guilty of murder in the first degree. He was brought back down to the basement to be escorted to the prison. He did not see the tympanum, or Lady Justice, once.