Ocean Management’s unusual property transfers may be defrauding tenan

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In its 15 years of operation, Ocean Management — a property management and real estate company in New Haven — has failed to respond to tenant complaints, been sued in multiple criminal court cases and violated city housing codes over 2,450 times. Despite this, the mega-landlord has continued business operations in New Haven with relative normalcy, managing approximately 1,000 units throughout the city.

Unusual property ownership transfers among Ocean’s affiliated subsidiaries — of which there are at least 62 — indicate that the company might be using these transfers to avoid paying future debts incurred in housing court. These business practices, coupled with Ocean’s history of being sued in housing court, may violate Connecticut’s Uniform Fraudulent Transfer Act, or UFTA.

On several occasions, Ocean has transferred property ownership to another entity it controls around the time a lawsuit was filed against the LLC, according to documents reviewed by the News. Under the UFTA, the timing of these transfers could indicate fraudulent intent.

A long history of inaction

Despite city efforts to support tenants’ rights, the company has remained unresponsive to major concerns expressed by tenants and city officials alike.

New Haven Mayor Justin Elicker said that the city regularly receives complaints from Ocean tenants about housing code violations for reasons including rodent infestations, malfunctioning smoke detectors and failure to collect trash on a property.

“Ocean Management has repeatedly been a party that has not addressed the issues in that the city’s had to resort to taking them to court,” Elicker told the News.

Elicker said that he met with Shmulik Aizenberg, the head of Ocean Management, recently to express concerns regarding the management of their properties. He noted that “at the time, [Ocean] agreed to do better,” but the city has since “only seen very incremental change.”

Ocean Management did not respond to in-person requests for comment, nor to multiple requests for comment by email and phone.

The News spoke to six tenants who described Ocean as unresponsive to tenant complaints. 

Connie Dobbs lived in her Fair Haven home for 36 years before one of Ocean’s subsidiaries, Ocean 60 LLC, purchased her free-standing apartment in May 2016. According to Dobbs, it took Ocean five months to inform her of the change in ownership. Dobbs said that she did not know who to pay her rent to during this period, and when Ocean Management finally got in touch, she said she was asked to pay six months in back rent.

Since 2016, Dobbs — like many of Ocean’s tenants — experienced several issues on her property, including a broken door and severe water damage. Additionally, she said that she later found that she had been paying the electric bill of the neighboring property during the first two years of Ocean’s ownership.

“[Ocean] never reimbursed me a dime,” she said.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Trash accumulated in the yard of an Ocean-owned property” credit=”Courtesy of Connie Dobbs” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

More recently, Ocean has still not met with members of the Lenox Street Tenants Union that formed in November, despite the union’s push to engage in collective bargaining. 

Four of the five tenants unions that have formed in New Haven have been at Ocean properties, where they have raised complaints of poor living conditions and miscommunication.

Mark Washington, a leader of the city’s Blake Street Tenants Union, claimed that Ocean rarely responds to tenant complaints except for matters concerning rent.

“[Ocean will] only respond when [tenants] say something about money. Other than that, they don’t respond — pretty much at all,” Washington said.

The pattern of unresponsiveness, along with thousands of housing code violations, has had legal consequences for the company. Ocean Management has been sued in multiple criminal court cases, with four of them taking place in a span of less than one year.

[pullquote credit=”New Haven Mayor Justin Elicker” align=”right”]Ocean Management has repeatedly been a party that has not addressed the issues in that the city’s had to resort to taking them to court,[/pullquote]

Ocean’s subsidiary structure

The structure of the mega-landlord may provide more insight into its efforts to minimize liability for these housing code violations, which often lead to fines in housing court.

A search of publicly available Connecticut Business Records shows that Ocean is divided into dozens of subsidiaries affiliated with the primary holding company, Ocean LLC. As a limited liability company, Ocean Management protects the personal assets of members from lawsuits filed against the company. Additionally, Ocean’s multiple subsidiary companies allow the business to contain risks within those entities. This helps protect the parent company and its other assets from potential losses or legal issues related to a specific subsidiary.

According to Michael Powers, a Stamford-based attorney, this structure is common not just among real estate companies, but “all companies” looking to maximize liability protection.

While forming subsidiaries has several risk-related advantages, maintaining a series of different holding companies has also muddled the company’s transactions. This has worked to Ocean’s benefit in past years, especially when attempting to limit external oversight. 

As one example, the Livable City Initiative — or LCI — enforces the city’s housing codes by conducting inspections and ensuring that renter’s licenses are up to date. An article published in the New Haven Independent in August noted that when LCI conducted an inspection of Ocean’s rental licenses, they were unable to locate all the company’s properties through existing city records, in part due to Ocean’s multiple subsidiaries. The confusion resulted in a 2022 ordinance change that required all LLCs registered in New Haven to list the address and name of a ​“natural person,” in order to connect LLCs controlled by the same owner. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Billboard of The Livable City Initiative on Whalley Ave.” credit=”Natasha Khazzam, Contributing Photographer” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Unusual transfers of property ownership

Most of Ocean’s properties are characterized by a highly unusual trend of changing ownership, wherein specific properties change ownership from one subsidiary to the next within a short span of time. In some instances, properties have been transferred three or four separate times to different subsidiaries belonging to Ocean.

One such example, obtained through publicly available property records, outlines the ownership history at one of Ocean’s properties, a two-unit townhouse located at 171 Cedar Hill Ave. in Cedar Hill.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Property records show ownership history at 171 Cedar Hill Ave.” credit=”Natasha Khazzam” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Listed among owners are a succession of three subsidiaries affiliated with Ocean — Super Zen LLC, Naiman Michal Shlomit LLC and Nahal Kibbutzim LLC — all of which are filed under the ownership of Ocean Management LLC, according to state business records.

In January 2015, Super Zen LLC purchased the property from its prior owner. A little over a month later, the property was sold to Naiman Michal Shlomit LLC before being transferred to Nahal Kibbutzim LLC on August 31, 2022.

These successive transfers of ownership are a common pattern for Ocean. Between June 2023 and January 2024, Ocean and its subsidiaries sold 71 properties. Sixty-four of these properties had been transferred through at least two different subsidiaries affiliated with Ocean prior to sale. 

 

Property transfers raise legal questions 

One reason for using subsidiaries is to limit a company’s liability. If an LLC wants to further diminish the risk associated with a particular property, it might transfer ownership to different subsidiaries to ensure that one subsidiary’s legal challenges do not affect the others. In the event of a court case against one of the subsidiaries, this business structure protects the assets of the parent company as well as its other subsidiary companies. 

On their own, property transfers can be a standard business practice. However, such transfers can be deemed fraudulent if a company makes them with the intent to avoid paying debts. 

Under Section 52-552e of Connecticut’s Uniform Fraudulent Transfer Act, transfers are fraudulent if they are made with “actual intent to hinder, delay or defraud any creditor of the debtor” and debtors “engage in a business or a transaction” that renders their remaining assets “unreasonably small in relation to the business or transaction.”

In other words, if transfers are made with intent to defraud creditors, and debtors also sell off a large proportion of their assets by engaging in these transfers, these business practices are considered fraudulent. 

According to the act, a creditor is any person with a right to payment from the debtor. This includes “judgment” payments that are determined by the outcome of a court case, which could apply to tenants in housing court.

In the case of property transfers between Ocean’s subsidiaries, large assets were transferred from one business entity to another. Additionally, if these property transfers were made as a purchase of assets, the new subsidiary would not assume pre-existing liability associated with the property. This would mean that if a tenant sued its landlord for a housing code violation, the original subsidiary would still be liable. 

Ultimately, this strategy creates a loophole that protects the assets of an LLC and may help a company avoid paying its debts, including fines incurred in housing court.

[pullquote credit=”” align=”full”]Between June 2023 and January 2024, Ocean and its subsidiaries sold 71 properties. Sixty-four of these properties had been transferred through at least two different subsidiaries affiliated with Ocean prior to sale.[/pullquote]

For example, if Super Zen LLC had transferred a property to Naiman Michal Shlomit LLC as a purchase of assets, then Naiman Michal Shlomit LLC would not assume the liability associated with the property. This would mean that if a tenant living at the property sued its landlord for a housing code violation, the original subsidiary — Super Zen LLC — would be liable for these complaints. However, because the subsidiary has since transferred its assets, the tenant may not be able to recover money from the case.

Gary Kaufman, a corporate attorney based in New York, explained that if a tenant were to sue a subsidiary company for a housing code violation, they would not be able to reach assets of the parent company or the other subsidiaries that the parent owns.

“You can go downstream but you can’t go upstream, so to speak … if you sue the parent, you can attack the subs[idiaries]. But if you sue the subs[idiaries], you can’t attack the parent,” Kaufman said.

If such an intent were sufficiently proven, this could suggest that Ocean was conducting transfers to avoid paying fines in court cases where it was sued for housing code violations.

[pullquote credit=”Gary Kaufman” align=”right”]You can go downstream but you can’t go upstream, so to speak … if you sue the parent, you can attack the subs[idiaries]. But if you sue the subs[idiaries], you can’t attack the parent,[/pullquote]

Ocean’s history in court

While transfers can be deemed fraudulent if they are deliberately made with the intent to avoid legal repercussions, intent is notoriously difficult to prove in court, and would likely require evidence from Ocean’s internal communications that the News could not access.

However, the UFTA outlines factors that may be considered in determining intent, including whether the debtor had been sued before the transfer was made.

There have been several instances where Ocean transferred property ownership to another entity it controls right before a lawsuit was filed against the LLC. 

In recent court cases filed against Ocean, most of the involved properties have undergone ownership transfers between at least two Ocean-owned subsidiary companies. In one case that involved three properties, two had undergone transfers within a year of the court case reaching a judgment.

A case that concluded on May 3, 2022, charged Ocean $3,750 worth of fines after the company pleaded guilty to 15 different housing code violations related to neglect of the properties. Of the three Ocean-owned properties involved in the case — located at 133 Plymouth St., 267 James St. and 167 Scranton St. — each of the three properties were transferred between four different Ocean subsidiaries between 2015 and 2023.

Two of these properties were transferred within one year of the court case concluding, with ownership at the Scranton Street property last being transferred on Dec. 20, 2021. Ownership of the James Street property was transferred on March 16, 2022 — less than two months before the court case ended. The property at James Street was then transferred to a fourth subsidiary on June 6, 2023.

This trend is relatively consistent among other properties involved in major cases against Ocean. In an August 2022 case concerning two properties that culminated in $2,500 worth of court-ordered fines, a property at 191 Ferry St. underwent four transfers across different subsidiaries and the property at 87 Willis St. underwent three. The last of these transfers at both properties took place on Jan. 28, 2020, less than two years before the court case reached a judgment.

Similar patterns occurred at the four properties involved in a June 2023 case. All of the properties underwent multiple property transfers between Ocean subsidiaries, and three of these transfers took place within three years of the court cases ending.

This pattern could indicate that the transfers were made in expectation of an impending lawsuit, suggesting that Ocean might have made these transfers with the intention of avoiding legal repercussions for their violations of the housing code.

There are alternative explanations for Ocean’s property transfers, such as potential tax benefits. Property transfers between affiliated corporations are exempt from paying real estate conveyance taxes, according to Code 11 in a Connecticut list of exemptions

Alternatively, these transfers could be a product of the company’s internal disorganization.

Carol Lopez Horsford, the founder of Farnam Realty Group, said that Ocean Management has experienced organizational challenges in the past. Ocean hired Farnam to conduct its residential leasing in 2019, a partnership that provided Farnam with insight into Ocean’s behind-the-scenes operations until April 2022, when Farnam ended its work with Ocean on the grounds that their company values were no longer aligned. 

“[Ocean is a] small business that probably grew too fast and wasn’t organized enough,” Lopez Horsford said.

Nevertheless, Ocean’s property ownership transfers align with patterns that could indicate intent to circumvent paying debts incurred in court. While Ocean’s property ownership transfers do not indicate illegality on their own, these findings suggest that Ocean’s long history of housing code violations might be accompanied by fraudulent intent to minimize the company’s own liability. 

Ocean’s offices are located on the second floor of 101 Whitney Ave.

Natasha Khazzam covers housing and homelessness for the News. Contact her at natasha.khazzam@yale.edu .

Crossing the aisle: Joe Lieberman’s road from Kennedy Democrat to Connec

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When Joe Lieberman ’64 LAW ’67 arrived at Yale College in the fall of 1960, he was eager to make his mark on the institution.

Lieberman, an observant Jew educated in Stamford public schools, was admitted to the University in an era of quotas designed to limit Jewish enrollment. During his undergraduate years, the future Connecticut senator would serve as chairman — now called editor-in-chief and president — of the News, gain entrance to the senior society Elihu and forge relationships with Connecticut political leaders that allowed him to hand in a nearly 400-page biography of then-Democratic National Committee chair John Bailey as his year-long senior thesis. 

Lieberman, 82, died on Wednesday.

“Joe felt himself to be kind of an outsider in that world, the son of a liquor store owner, but he conquered,” said Robert Kaiser ’64, who served as the News’ features editor on the same managing board as Lieberman and later served as managing editor of The Washington Post.

A JFK Democrat

Kaiser met Lieberman in November 1960, when the two — then Yale first years — volunteered for the Connecticut Democratic Party to drive voters to the polls to elect President John F. Kennedy. Later, Kaiser encouraged Lieberman to join the News in the last of four “heeling” cycles — the process of becoming a News staffer, which was, at the time, a competitive process.

“There was no real student government at Yale in those days and the News was, in many ways, the most prominent activity on campus,” said Paul Steiger ’64, who worked on the News with Lieberman and later founded the news site ProPublica. “Joe wanted to have impact and so he heeled and he was an outstanding heeler and then he was elected chairman of the News.”

Lieberman’s college roommate, Richard Sugarman ’66, a professor of religion who served as an advisor to presidential candidate Bernie Sanders in 2016, recalled that Lieberman wrote with “efficiency and speed” unlike anyone he had ever seen. 

[pullquote credit=”” align=”center”]It was the Civil Rights Era — people were marching, people were doing these things,” Jethro Lieberman ’64, another News editor who had no relation to the senator, recalled. “Joe had been a public high school student in Stamford. This was the Kennedy years, and that’s just where most of us on the News were.[/pullquote] 

Kaiser remembered that he and Lieberman ran against each other for the position of chairman, and Lieberman received every vote but one — Kaiser’s own.

Howard Gillette ’64, a managing editor for the News during Lieberman’s chairmanship, said that his near-unanimous selection distinguished him as an accepted leader among a class of highly accomplished News staffers. 

According to Gillette, Lieberman’s involvement in campus leadership led him to Mississippi in the fall of 1963 with a group of News staffers organized by University Chaplain William Sloane Coffin Jr. ’49 DIV ’56 to participate in the civil rights movement by campaigning for NAACP leader Aaron Henry.

Ahead of Mississippi’s 1963 gubernatorial election, Henry had organized the Freedom Vote Campaign, which rallied Black voters to participate in a mock election in which Henry was a candidate. The campaign’s goal was to combat disenfranchisement in the state by demonstrating Black voters’ desire and ability to vote. 

In a column published in the News titled “Why I Go to Mississippi,” Lieberman wrote that while the mock election was, to him, “not the most exciting” civil rights project, it represented an important effort to end the exclusion of Black Americans from elections.

“Our nation is emasculated as long as some of its rightful participants are excluded,” Lieberman wrote. “If I am able to carry across the concept of voting and the need for an all-out voter registration effort to 25 or 50 or perhaps 100 Negroes who have never been so confronted before, then I will return to New Haven with a sense of satisfaction. I go to Mississippi because I think this can be done.”

Lieberman’s Mississippi trip curiously resurfaced in 2006, when Connecticut State Treasurer Henry Parker questioned whether the trip — which the senator referenced in campaign speeches throughout his numerous electoral bids — had actually happened.

Gillette recalled that Lieberman’s campaign staff had contacted him about verifying that Lieberman had traveled to Mississippi. Gillette, who had not been on the trip, believed that Stephen Bingham ’64, a fellow News staffer who would later be tried and acquitted for suspected involvement in activist George Jackson’s escape from prison, would be the best source to confirm Lieberman’s participation. 

Bingham told the News that he does not recall Lieberman going on his trip to the South — at least not in the initial group of around 20 Yale students who traveled and attended training together.

However, according to Gillette, the reason Lieberman may have missed the first days of the trip was to orchestrate an activist stunt at the News.

As Yale College made small steps toward loosening their policy on including women on campus — namely, allowing women into the Linonia and Brothers reading room, which was then a gentleman’s lounge — the News published on its front page: “Girls Continue to Flood Admissions Office With Applications.” The article announced a rally for the upcoming weekend — Parents’ Weekend — outside Woodbridge Hall and encouraged visiting mothers to join in solidarity with women seeking admission.

According to Gillette, the women’s letter-writing campaign to admissions and the “boisterous” rally that followed were organized by Lieberman himself.

“It was the Civil Rights Era — people were marching, people were doing these things,” Jethro Lieberman ’64, another News editor who had no relation to the senator, recalled. “Joe had been a public high school student in Stamford. This was the Kennedy years, and that’s just where most of us on the News were.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Lieberman rallies for women’s admission to Yale” credit=”Yale Daily News” src=”” ALIGN=”right”]

Throughout his tenure, Lieberman used his platform as chairman to develop and express his political opinions through his editorials, many of which expressed support for the ongoing civil rights movement.

Sugarman remembers that the only time he disagreed with Lieberman was when George Wallace, a pro-segregation governor of Alabama, was invited to speak at Yale in 1963. Lieberman defended Wallace’s right to free speech in a News editorial at the time. 

“The principle of free communication in an academic community is sacred and inviolable,” Lieberman wrote in the editorial. 

“Senator” at Yale

Lieberman was offered membership to Skull and Bones his senior year, but declined. Instead, he opted to join the Elihu Club, a senior society that eclipsed Bones as “cool and progressive,” according to Kaiser, who was also in Elihu. 

His autobiographical presentation — known commonly as a bio, one of Yale senior societies’ most storied traditions — focused on his upbringing in a “Jewish liquor store family,” the kind of background that was uncommon in the Yale circles Lieberman occupied, Kaiser said.

Jethro Lieberman, who was also in Elihu, recalled a society meeting where someone posed the question of what regrets each student thought they might have later in life, considering their intended career paths. 

“Joe looked at us and said, ‘Well, you know, depending on how things go, it would really be terrible if I wound up as mayor in Stamford, and then got run over by a truck,’” Jethro Lieberman said. “From the earliest days, it was clear that he saw himself in politics and moving up the political ladder.”

At Yale, Lieberman’s nickname was “Senator,” Sugarman said.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Yale Daily News” src=”” ALIGN=”right”]

Always a fan of elections, Lieberman ran for class secretary in his senior year. He came in second, instead becoming class treasurer.

First steps in politics

As a senior in college, Lieberman was a “scholar of the house.” The now-defunct academic program, which selected up to a dozen Yale seniors each year, allowed him to work on a year-long project of his choosing instead of taking classes. 

Lieberman chose to write a biography of John Bailey, the then-chairman of the DNC who dominated the state’s politics, for his senior project. He later turned his work into a nearly 400-page book called “The Power Broker.” 

Michael Barone LAW ’69, Lieberman’s law school classmate who read the book, described it as “smartly objective and sometimes critical in a way that was really somewhat daring for someone with ambitions in Democratic politics in Connecticut.” 

“He got a lot of mileage out of it,” Jethro Lieberman added. 

Working on the book, Lieberman got to know many Connecticut Democrats, including former senator Abraham Ribicoff, who also served as Connecticut’s first and only Jewish governor. According to Jonathan Gruber, whose biographical film about Lieberman will premiere this year, Lieberman interned for Ribicoff in Washington during the summer of 1963 and saw him as a political role model.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Lieberman returned to the News in 2023 for the filming of Gruber’s documentary” credit=”Courtesy of Jonathan Gruber” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Lieberman matriculated to Yale Law School immediately upon finishing college and started practicing law in New Haven after graduating in 1967. 

In 1970, Lieberman, 27, successfully challenged incumbent State Senate President Ed Marcus in a Democratic primary. Lieberman spent the next 10 years representing New Haven in the Connecticut State Senate, including six as Democratic Majority Leader. 

“A lot of people in the Democratic Party weren’t so interested in having Lieberman go up against Marcus and so it was very hard for him to find volunteers,” Gruber said. “He went to the Yale Law School, and he found what he described as his ‘very affable fellow from Arkansas’ named Bill Clinton.”

Clinton LAW ’73 was one of several law student volunteers on Lieberman’s underdog campaign. 21 years later, Lieberman returned the favor, becoming the first Democratic senator to endorse Clinton’s presidential campaign, though he eventually became a fierce critic of the President during the Monica Lewinsky scandal.

In 1980, he left the State Senate to run for the U.S. House of Representatives in Connecticut’s 3rd district, which includes New Haven, but lost to Republican Lawrence DeNardis.

In 1982, he ran for Connecticut Attorney General. Gruber recalled that Matt Lieberman, Lieberman’s son, described the race as “make or break” for his father’s career: if Lieberman lost the race, he might have returned to law and forgone politics.

[pullquote credit=”Jonathan Gruber” align=”center”]A lot of people in the Democratic Party weren’t so interested in having Lieberman go up against Marcus and so it was very hard for him to find volunteers,” Gruber said. “He went to the Yale Law School, and he found what he described as his ‘very affable fellow from Arkansas’ named Bill Clinton.[/pullquote] 

Lieberman won, and he held the position for six years.

Taking the national stage

In 1988, Lieberman — still Attorney General — ran against Republican Sen. Lowell Weicker, a popular figure among Democrats for his tough questioning of President Richard Nixon as a member of the Senate Watergate Committee.

“Lieberman was very much a longshot candidate,” Steiger remembered. 

At the time, Steiger was a reporter for The Wall Street Journal, whose editorial pages leaned right. He recalled several conservative columnists endorsing Lieberman as Weicker increasingly voted against the Republican party line in Congress. 

Meanwhile, Lieberman had garnered a favorable reputation for his record as a consumer advocate during his tenure as Attorney General. 

One of Lieberman’s early supporters in the 1988 election was conservative writer William F. Buckley Jr. ’50, whom Lieberman had befriended at Yale through the News. Buckley created a political action committee, BUCKPAC, on Lieberman’s behalf, which sent donors bumper stickers with statements such as, “Does Lowell Weicker Make You Sick?” and “Republicans for Weicker? Yuck.”

Lieberman won the 1988 election by just 10,000 votes, upsetting the more liberal incumbent. He was reelected to the Senate three more times, including in 1994 with the largest-ever margin in a Connecticut Senate race and in 2006 as an independent after he lost the Democratic nomination. 

In the Senate, following the 9/11 terrorist attacks in 2001, Lieberman introduced legislation that led to the creation of the Department of Homeland Security. Senator Chris Murphy also credited his efforts to combat climate change for laying the groundwork for the 2022 passage of $369 billion in funding for climate and clean energy programs. 

As one of his last achievements in the Senate, Lieberman led a successful fight to repeal the “don’t ask, don’t tell” law, which banned openly queer people from serving in the military.

Former New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr. said that Lieberman had always been responsive to the needs of New Haven. He was a “local guy” in the city, DeStefano recalls, whom “you would see at Claire’s [Corner Copia].”

DeStefano said that when, in 2007, New Haven introduced the Elm City Resident Card for undocumented immigrants, the Department of Homeland Security started what he viewed as “retaliatory raids” in the city’s immigrant communities. 

“Joe got the Secretary [of Homeland Security] on the phone to me the same day,” DeStefano said, adding that Lieberman helped stop the raids in the city. “That’s what Joe was really good at —  responding to particular needs that affected people in their lives.” 

In August 2000, Democratic presidential nominee Al Gore picked Lieberman as his running mate. The Gore-Lieberman ticket, which won the popular vote by over 500,000 votes, lost the general election to Republican President George W. Bush ’68 and Vice President Dick Cheney after a recount and Supreme Court challenge in the crucial swing state of Florida.

Lieberman’s selection made him the first Jewish American to run for vice president on a major party ticket.

[pullquote credit=”Jonathan Gruber” align=”center”]They appreciated a man of faith, even though it wasn’t their faith.[/pullquote] 

Throughout Lieberman’s political career, he maintained his Jewish observance.

Eden Migdal ’26, Lieberman’s granddaughter, recalled that Lieberman would walk home from the Senate with security personnel on Friday nights, declining to drive on Shabbat.

During his vice presidential campaign, Lieberman made repeated assurances that he would be able to balance his observance of Jewish custom with the demands of the office.

Gruber said that Lieberman’s observance was a significant help in his many elections in Connecticut, making him an appealing candidate to Catholic voters.

“They appreciated a man of faith, even though it wasn’t their faith, Gruber said.

In 2003, Lieberman announced his campaign for president. Running as a more conservative alternative to candidates Howard Dean ’71 and John Kerry ’66, the eventual nominee, Lieberman’s campaign announcement was attended by protesters from the group Jews Against Occupation, the News reported in 2003.

Emmaia Gelman, a member of Jews Against Occupation, a group that criticized Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and conduct toward Palestinians during the Second Intifada, was present at the protest. Gelman recalled her fellow organizers objected to Lieberman’s support of Israel, as well as the Iraq War.

“The Iraq War was absolutely important to us,” Gelman said.

A “stubbornly bipartisan” career 

Throughout his career in the Senate, Lieberman made conservative friends and often reached across the aisle in his work. 

He stood with his Democratic colleagues on domestic policy issues, like climate change, abortion rights and gay rights, but departed from them on foreign policy. 

In 2003, Lieberman, who consistently approved of American military interventions abroad, staunchly supported the Iraq War. He stood behind Bush as the president signed a resolution authorizing the invasion of  Iraq. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Office of Congressman Roy Blunt, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons” src=”” ALIGN=”right”]

However, by March of 2006, 59 percent of Americans — and 77 percent of Democrats — believed that the US should set a timeline for withdrawing most troops from Iraq by 2008, according to a CBS News poll.

Later that year, Lieberman explained that while he wanted to end the war quickly, leaving Iraq at that time would be a “disaster” prompting sectarian violence. He also continued to affirm the correctness of his vote to authorize the war. 

When Ned Lamont SOM ’80, now the governor of Connecticut, launched his campaign to challenge Lieberman in the 2006 Senate race, he focused heavily on criticizing Lieberman’s record on the Iraq War and other cooperation with Republicans. 

“If you’re not going to talk about this administration’s failed foreign policy, failed fiscal policy, failed environmental policy and failed judicial policy, which are so harmful, then I will,” Lamont said at the time, blaming Lieberman for not being a “real Democrat.” 

In the 2006 Democratic primary, Lieberman lost to Lamont by a 3.6-percent margin. Instead of dropping out of the race, Lieberman decided to run as an independent candidate.

Lieberman’s decision to run against a Democratic nominee angered some Democrats in the state, prompting them to launch an unsuccessful attempt to expel the senator from the Democratic Party’s list of registered voters. Senate Democratic leaders Harry Reid and Chuck Schumer also supported Lamont’s candidacy, citing Lieberman’s “closeness to Bush” as the reason for his primary loss. 

The same year, Lieberman told The New York Times that his role as a senator required him to work with his colleagues on both sides of the aisle.

“I’ll tell you this: that doesn’t make me a bad Democrat, it makes me a better senator,” Lieberman told the Times.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Yale Daily News” src=”” ALIGN=”center”]

In November, he won the general election with over 100,000 more votes than Lamont, becoming the first independent candidate to win a Senate seat in Connecticut since the emergence of the modern two-party system. Lieberman started his last term as a senator in January 2007 as an independent caucusing with Democrats. 

“When you have a long-term incumbent, the election really isn’t about party label or even about the opponent. It’s about whether people want to change or not,” DeStefano said. “I think it was a statement by the electorate saying, yeah, he’s doing a good job.”

Gruber speculated that Lieberman was blindsided by losing in the Democratic primary and that the loss contributed to his shift away from the party.

In 2008, Lieberman endorsed Republican John McCain, a long-time friend, in the presidential election and spoke at the Republican National Convention on McCain’s behalf. For some time, he even contemplated sharing the ticket as McCain’s running mate.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Tobias Kleinschmidt via Wikimedia Commons” credit=”” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

In 2009, Lieberman clashed with Democrats on the Affordable Care Act. 

While Democrats debated President Barack Obama’s signature healthcare legislation, Lieberman came out in opposition to a government-run healthcare insurance option, or public option, even when its scope was reduced to Americans over the age of 55.

Rep. Rosa DeLauro, who represents New Haven, was a friend of Lieberman’s and endorsed his 2004 presidential campaign, which he cut short after disappointing results in early primaries. However, in 2009, when Lieberman opposed the public option, DeLauro called on him to step down from his Senate seat.

“I was angry at him and talked to him about it. We were dealing with potentially having a public option, and he came out in opposition to that,” DeLauro told the News. “I still believe it was the wrong policy. But I spoke to him and we have remained friends for many, many, many, many years.”

Lieberman eventually cast the 60th vote needed to pass the legislation, but his opposition to a public option forced Democrats to exclude it from the final bill. 

[pullquote credit=”” align=”right”]When you have a long-term incumbent, the election really isn’t about party label or even about the opponent. It’s about whether people want to change or not,” DeStefano said. “I think it was a statement by the electorate saying, yeah, he’s doing a good job.[/pullquote] 

By 2009, Lieberman had collected over $2 million in campaign contributions from medical professionals and insurers. The senator firmly denied that campaign finance influenced his vote.

Lieberman stepped down from public office in 2012 but remained politically engaged. In 2015, he became the founding chair of No Labels, a movement that aims to promote independent candidates for federal office. Recently, the group has gained prominence for its attempt to find an independent candidate to run in the 2024 presidential election. No Labels announced in early March that it intends to field a 2024 presidential ticket.

Kaiser remembered sending the senator a “stern email” expressing concern with Lieberman’s latest involvement in No Labels, which Kaiser believed would help former President Donald Trump, the presumptive Republican nominee, win in November. 

“Like many others, he did not wrestle with the profound change that has occurred in the Republican Party in our lifetime,” Kaiser said. “He couldn’t cope with it intellectually or emotionally. The idea that Republicans had become the anti-government party was just too much for him to deal with.”

A legacy of “likable decency”

Lieberman figures prominently in Howard Gillette’s 2015 book “Class Divides: Yale ’64 and the Complicated Legacy of the Sixties,” which charts the formative convergence of the Kennedy presidency, the civil rights movement and the opportunity of a Yale education in the lives of Gillette’s classmates.

For Gillette, no member of the class of 1964 better exemplified a determination to reconcile the clashing perspectives that emerged from the ’60s than Lieberman. 

“He found it troubling to end his political career outside the party of John Kennedy. For years he had been buoyed by the company of others he considered centrists like himself,” Gillette wrote in the book. “Like Ronald Reagan before him, Lieberman felt at the end of his career that he had not left the Democratic Party so much as it had left him.”

Jethro Lieberman also said that the Senator did not become more conservative over the years, but instead, labels changed. 

Kaiser, on the other hand, believes that Lieberman’s views shifted dramatically over time. He said that Lieberman’s “departure” from the liberalism of his youth was exemplified by his support for McCain in 2008.

“Joe, in the early ’60s, was a Democrat and convinced liberal,” Kaiser said. “If I told Joe in 1962 that in 2008, he will be supporting a conservative super-hawk Republican president over the first Black American president, a liberal Democrat, he would not have believed it.”

Kaiser clashed with Lieberman over the years, occasionally approaching the senator about the policy choices that seemed so discordant with his past views. While Lieberman hated to be disagreed with, Kaiser recalled, he never got angry — an observation that Migdal also shared.

[pullquote credit=”Howard Gillette ’64″ align=”center”]Like Ronald Reagan before him, Lieberman felt at the end of his career that he had not left the Democratic Party so much as it had left him.[/pullquote] 

Upon his death, Lieberman’s political contemporaries, including Lamont, DeLauro and Sen. Richard Blumenthal LAW ’73 released statements acknowledging their disagreements with the senator but affirming respect and gratitude for years of public service.  

When asked by the News about Lieberman’s legacy, Kaiser, his college friend and longtime peer, emphasized his character over his policy accomplishments. 

“Will he be remembered at all? Yes, he will,” Kaiser said. “Because he was the first Jewish candidate for vice president and because he was an extremely decent person who everybody liked. He’ll be a symbol of likable decency, that might survive for a while. But his contributions were temporal, temporary.” 

The Yale College class of 1964 will celebrate its 60th reunion in May.

PROFILE: Ellen Cupo’s fight for New Haveners, from Yale to City Hall

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At 6:01 p.m. three Tuesdays ago, after checking in with the colleagues beside her, Ellen Cupo gaveled in the first 2024 meeting of the Board of Alders Legislation Committee. There were just a handful of onlookers, mostly local officials — a far cry from the night before, when pro-Palestine protesters disrupted a mayoral address. In the quiet after the storm, city business plodded on.

That was only the beginning of Cupo’s week. Wednesday brought another aldermanic committee meeting and Thursday a Zoom conference about the replacement of a Christopher Columbus statue that once stood in her neighborhood. On Friday, Cupo took her two young children to her in-laws so she and her husband could get up on Saturday to canvass for Democratic Town Committee members.

“A lot of my friends who don’t live in New Haven, who don’t do the work with me — the constant refrain is, ‘Ellen, why are you doing more? Like, do less,’” she told the News. Her answer? “I’m doing what I want to do.”

For Cupo, representing the 4,300-odd residents of Ward 8 in New Haven’s version of a city council is a side gig, even if it feels at times like a full-time job. During the day, she works at Yale as the assistant to the chair of the Program in Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies, supporting Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Studies as well.

But perhaps her deepest passion — where her day job, her political advocacy and her family history converge — is Local 34–UNITE HERE, the union of Yale’s clerical and technical workers, for which she serves as a volunteer organizer and an executive board member. Although Cupo speaks of separating her life’s strands into different “silos,” a common posture unites them.

“She has an incredible sense of justice, gets really mad when things don’t seem just,” Ian Dunn, Cupo’s husband and the communications director for Local 34, said. “She gets incredibly passionate when the contract is violated or when workers aren’t getting a fair deal.”

Injustice may anger Cupo, and bureaucracy may busy her, but she is almost always cheerful, freely doling out kind words. The ten people interviewed for this article — family, constituents, Yale colleagues and local politicos —  also repeatedly mentioned her attention to detail, her warmth toward other people and her jam-packed schedule. “She’s a force of nature,” Maureen Gardner, the WGSS registrar, said.

[pullquote credit=”Charlotte Eliscu, Cupo’s friend and former coworker” align=”full”]New Haven is really lucky to have Ellen. And I think that Ellen is also really lucky to live in New Haven.[/pullquote]

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Cupo with her one-year-old daughter Ada and her four-year-old son Hunter” credit=”Ethan Wolin” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Cupo has spent all but four of her 35 years in New Haven and now finds herself at the nexus of the city’s relationship with Yale, its biggest employer. Sworn in last month for her third term as an alder, she embodies the dominance of Yale’s unions in city politics, which some New Haveners have criticized as privileging Yale issues, and what happens when activists take over the government.

Charlotte Eliscu, a onetime coworker at a communications firm whom Cupo likened to an older sister, said Cupo draws inspiration from a desire to keep the city hospitable for future generations of locals.

“New Haven is really lucky to have Ellen. And I think that Ellen is also really lucky to live in New Haven,” Eliscu said. “She wants to make it better, and she wants to make sure that her children can have the same experience.”

Raising kids, representing neighbors

On Nov. 5, 2019, Ellen Cupo gave birth to her first child, Hunter, while coasting to victory in her uncontested alder election.

The idea of running for the Board of Alders had come from Aaron Greenberg GRD ’19, who had stepped down from the Ward 8 seat earlier that year and whose replacement was not seeking a full term. So Cupo spent the summer politicking in the city as her pregnancy progressed, pitching a platform of housing affordability, jobs and what she called “developments built in the character of our neighborhood.”

“I felt like I could do anything,” she said. “I felt strong. I felt brave.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Cupo with her husband, Ian Dunn, and two-month-old Hunter at her first Board of Alders inauguration in 2020″ credit=”Courtesy of Ellen Cupo” src=”” ALIGN=”right”]

But just over two months after her inauguration, COVID-19 sent Board meetings to Zoom, leaving Cupo to legislate virtually with 29 other alders she barely knew.

Then, in June 2020, amid a nationwide movement for racial justice, the city took down the Christopher Columbus statue that stood in Wooster Square Park, at the center of Cupo’s historically Italian neighborhood, provoking protests. A special committee that Cupo sits on approved a new statue depicting an Italian immigrant family, which is set to be unveiled in June, she said.

Her paternal great-grandparents were among the Italian immigrants to New Haven, but Cupo only moved to Wooster Square in 2015. After she and Dunn got engaged in 2018, the two moved into the two-bedroom second floor of a house less than a block from Frank Pepe Pizzeria, with a backyard where the children can play. The couple pays $1,400 a month in rent, Cupo said, to a landlord with whom they are friends.

“He could easily charge market rate for our house, and we wouldn’t be able to live there anymore,” Dunn said. “It’s a question of, is this a city for us?”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”The current boundaries of Ward 8, to the east of downtown New Haven” credit=”Board of Alders online ward map” src=”” ALIGN=”right”]

Ward 8 extends beyond Wooster Square to parts of the Mill River district, Fair Haven and the Annex, and so does its alder’s advocacy. In 2022, pregnant with her daughter Ada, Cupo helped rally resistance to a proposed strip club near Jocelyn Square.

Owing largely to time off after Ada’s birth, Cupo’s attendance rate at full Board of Alders meetings dipped below 60 percent across 2022. She missed six consecutive full Board meetings last winter, absences which she told the New Haven Independent were a result of sickness in her family.

“We missed her when she was on maternity leave, and we’re really glad she’s back,” Sarah Greenblatt, the president of the Historic Wooster Square Association, told the News.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Wooster Square Park, where a Christopher Columbus statue stood until June 2020″ credit=”Ethan Wolin” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

After two uncontested elections, Cupo faced her first challenge last year, from Andrea DiLieto Zola, a Democrat-turned-Republican and local business owner. Cupo said she took the race seriously, although, in an overwhelmingly Democratic city, it posed little threat.

Cupo trounced Zola, 410 votes to 72 — but not before a contentious debate in which Cupo criticized Zola’s Republican affiliation and Zola hit back at Cupo’s union allegiance. When the two candidates were asked to compliment each other, Zola drew gasps for focusing on Cupo’s absences during maternity leave.

“Being a woman who’s working as a mom, no matter what political party you’re representing, isn’t an easy job at the end of the day, and we’re constantly working,” Zola reiterated in a recent interview with the News.

Joining the family union

Before she was a mother, Ellen Cupo was a child of Local 34.

Her mother, a medical research assistant, and her father, who worked in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, met while organizing the union in the early 1980s. By 1988, when Cupo’s mother was helping negotiate Local 34’s second contract, she was pregnant with Ellen.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Cupo protests in 2016 during negotiations for a Local 34 contract.” credit=”Courtesy of Ellen Cupo” src=”” ALIGN=”right”]

“Growing up, I knew what it took to win the union, and the difference it made for working-class folks in the city,” Cupo said.

The family lived in Fair Haven. As she attended both Wilbur Cross High School and the Educational Center for the Arts, Cupo said she noticed that most of her friends’ parents did not own their homes as hers did.

One time in high school, Cupo and a friend were sitting on Cross Campus when a Yale security officer kicked them out. “I knew I didn’t belong on Yale’s campus,” Cupo said.

In the years after graduating from New York University with a degree in communications and a load of student debt that brought her back to live at home, Cupo applied to 12 jobs at Yale but did not get interviews, she said. That changed in 2015, thanks to the job placement program New Haven Works recently launched by the Board of Alders.

Almost as soon as she landed her first Yale job, Cupo joined efforts to push the University to hire more New Haveners. She was arrested at a protest blocking traffic outside Yale-New Haven Hospital. Two years later, she got to know Dunn as they spent time on Beinecke Plaza with graduate students, including Greenberg, who were on a hunger strike for union recognition.

[pullquote credit=”Professor Roderick Ferguson, chair of Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies” align=”right”]You can have a department, or an administrative staff, that just wants to push paper, but they’re not really into the intellectual mission of the department,” Ferguson said. But not Cupo. [/pullquote]

Cupo’s first labor fight as an organizer came in 2018, when she supported a Divinity School employee who had been mistreated by an overbearing boss, according to Cupo. She recalled a meeting in which a group of colleagues, including ones preferred by the supervisor, joined the aggrieved union member, sitting across a table from higher-ups.

“That was the fight through which I learned how to organize,” Cupo said. “That was also the point that I was like, okay, I’m doing something important and I’m doing something good for people.”

Nowadays, Cupo works tucked away in the cozy WGSS third-floor hallway in William L. Harkness Hall, next to the lawn from which she once was removed. As assistant to department chair Roderick Ferguson, she handles a variety of administrative tasks, from awards and fellowships to faculty searches. During work hours, Cupo said, she ignores calls and emails about city business and typically limits union organizing to lunchtime and her two 15-minute breaks.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Cupo at her desk in William L. Harkness Hall” credit=”Ethan Wolin” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

“You can have a department, or an administrative staff, that just wants to push paper, but they’re not really into the intellectual mission of the department,” Ferguson said. But not Cupo. Ferguson said that she shares an interest in “promoting equality, promoting social justice, diversity.”

In late November, Cupo was one of three administrative employees to sign an open letter defending students who had been targeted by a so-called doxxing truck amid campus tensions about the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza. One of the truck’s targets, a graduate student who works with Cupo and who asked to remain anonymous due to fear of further targeting, told the News that Cupo’s signature touched them.

Fighting for change in the long run

Cupo got off work at 5 p.m. on Tuesday, Feb. 6. There was no time to get home for a shower and a bite to eat, so she stopped at Burger King before heading to City Hall to preside over the Legislation Committee for the first time this year.

The committee’s work spans a variety of policy areas, but this meeting had only one item: a measure to exempt certain city officials from the requirement to live inside New Haven. Cupo, who has chaired the committee since September 2022, called on each speaker as the six alders reviewed the proposed text and questioned mayoral appointees.

“Regardless of what’s going on, she’s always upbeat, she’s always prepared,” Ward 27 Alder Richard Furlow, a committee member, said in an interview. “I think that’s what makes her so easy to work with.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Kaiyden’s, the coffee shop in Wooster Square where Cupo holds regular “office hours” with constituents.” credit=”Ethan Wolin” src=”” ALIGN=”right”]

But formal protocols are not second nature to Cupo. Several times during the meeting, Furlow, the Board’s majority leader, whispered to her some procedural reminder. Because of her job, Cupo said, she attends fewer ribbon cuttings and press conferences than the stereotypical local politician. She prefers meeting constituents at regular “office hours” at a neighborhood coffee shop.

On Monday, Feb. 5, Cupo and some colleagues had the official duty of escorting Mayor Justin Elicker into the Aldermanic Chambers for his State of the City speech. When pro-Palestine protestors halted Elicker’s speech by shouting for a Gaza ceasefire resolution, Cupo said she watched with mixed feelings: sadness and fear, sympathy for the activists’ cause yet qualms about their relentlessness.

When it comes to demanding action from those in power, Cupo said, “I have more often been on the other side.” She said she returned home that night moved by the protesters’ anguish. Yet she has not decided where she stands on the resolution, given her constituents’ varying views.

“I focus my efforts in New Haven specifically, right, because this is where I can make change,” she said.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Cupo turns to watch pro-Palestine protestors disrupting the mayor’s State of the City speech on Feb. 5.” credit=”Yurii Stasiuk” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

As a means of making local change, the New Haven Board of Alders moves slowly, but also just as fast as some members’ busy lives can sustain. Cupo described reading reams of official documents in the evenings, and fielding daily questions and complaints from constituents about everything from speeding cars on Chapel Street to indecent images posted outside a strip club.

Alders tend not to propose policy initiatives of their own but rather vote on proposals that come before them, sometimes after making amendments. The vast majority of votes are unanimous. Cupo said she has no aspirations for higher office but plans to keep running for her alder seat as long as she can fight for New Haveners’ housing and jobs and for Yale to give the city more money.

[pullquote credit=”Ellen Cupo” align=”full”]I focus my efforts in New Haven specifically, right, because this is where I can make change,[/pullquote]

In other words, she sees the long run. When Cupo meets a new member of Local 34, among her first questions is, “What do you want to win in our next contract?” she said. “Everything that we have — paid time off, overtime, all of our benefits — are only because there have been people over the last 40 years who have fought like hell to get them and then to keep them.”

Cupo would know. Her parents, now retired, receive pensions on par with the salaries they earned while working. When Cupo and Dunn need help, they look after Hunter and Ada.

Correction, Feb. 21: This article was changed to reflect the correct name of the Program in Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies and the year when Cupo first moved to Wooster Square.

Correction, Feb. 21: A previous version of this story misstated the regularity of Cupo’s “office hours” with constituents; they are not every week.

A ‘new type of Russian politician’: Alexey Navalny’s rise from Yale World Fellow to Kremlin watchdog

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In August 2010, 34-year-old Alexey Navalny arrived in the United States for only the second time in his life. Unlike his past visit — a brief business trip to Chicago — this trip would be a lengthier stay. For the next five months, Yale University’s Betts House would be home for Navalny and his family as he joined the Yale World Fellows Program.

Thirteen years later — last Friday, Feb. 16 — Navalny, a Russian opposition leader and anti-corruption activist, died in a Russian prison. He was 47 years old.

Born in Moscow, Navalny studied law and finance and worked for Russia’s Yabloko political party from 2001 to 2007. He began making his name as a grassroots activist in 2008, using an online blog to publicize corruption in state-owned Russian corporations.

[pullquote credit=”Michael Cappelo, 2007-2015 director of the World Fellows program” align=”center”]Alexey, at the time, was struggling to identify the mechanism through which he could affect social change in Russia.[/pullquote]

But it was at Yale, in 2010, that Navalny – who’d soon become a household name for his fierce opposition to Kremlin leadership – honed his skills as an activist.

“Alexey, at the time, was struggling to identify the mechanism through which he could affect social change in Russia,” Michael Cappelo, the then-director of the World Fellows program told the News. “He wasn’t getting as much traction as he felt the problem deserved.”

At Yale, Navalny hoped to learn how to mobilize Russians when he returned home. He spent much of his free time at Yale meeting with economists, psychologists and historians to study how successful social movements had evolved.

After returning to Russia in 2011, Navalny dedicated himself to exposing corruption in the Kremlin, despite being arrested repeatedly and facing state-sponsored political attacks, which often weaponized his Yale education to depict him as a U.S.-sympathizer.

A poisoning attack executed by Russian operatives in 2020 left Navalny in a coma for over two weeks in a hospital in Germany. Five months later, he returned to Russia and was arrested upon landing, leading protesters across the country to rally in support.

“Of course there was a part of me that wished he never went back to Russia, but it also would have been hard to imagine otherwise,” May Akl, a member of the 2010 world fellow’s class, said. “The Alexey I knew would have done exactly the same as what he did.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Navalny(bottom left) with the 2010 Yale World Fellows class” credit=”Harold Shapiro” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

While serving his prison sentence, Russian authorities reported on Feb. 16 that he had lost consciousness and died after taking a walk at the prison. U.S. President Joe Biden said there can be “no doubt” that Putin is to blame for his death.

Director of the World Fellows program Emma Sky posted a statement following Navalny’s death, and a memorial to Navalny was placed inside the entrance to Horchow Hall at the Jackson School.

“The World Fellows community weeps, and we are angry: no one should die for imagining a better future,” Sky wrote to the News. “World Fellows – and all Yalies – can walk a little taller knowing that such a hero walked among us. His courage, his moral clarity, his dignity, his defiant sense of humor, they can only inspire us.”

Arrival at Yale

In August 2010, Navalny, with his wife and two children, moved into Betts House, a historic mansion on New Haven’s Prospect Hill that is owned by the University. Soon, Navalny would share the house with three other fellows — Lumumba Di-Aping, Ricardo Teran and Marvin Rees — but he had arrived six weeks before the program’s official start date to practice his English.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Navalny and his wife, Yulia” credit=”Harold Shapiro” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/image2-1.jpeg” ALIGN=”right”]

Rees, then a BBC radio talk show host and now the mayor of Bristol, England, recalled that Navalny was the first fellow he met. In their first interaction, Navalny noticed that Rees did not have a car and offered to drive him to the grocery store. Even as Navalny was still learning English, his sense of humor resonated with Rees.

“We joked that he talked like the Terminator when he spoke in English,” Rees said.

As the cohort began, Navalny became serious about his purpose at Yale.

Navalny was one of 15 fellows that year, selected out of a pool of over 1,500 applications. World Fellows, while undergoing career-specific training, auditing Yale classes and participating in weekly program seminars, also engage with Yale students and professors by hosting talks and participating in panels across campus.

“We look for people for whom the experience could change the trajectory of their career,” Cappello said. “In that sense, Alexey was exactly what our recruitment process tried to capture. His achievement was notable, but his greatest accomplishments were still yet to come.”

Navalny began as a relatively quiet member of the cohort.

“He had a serenity about him that you knew he was very passionate about what he was doing,” Cappello said.

As a fellow, Navalny remained an activist, too. At the time, he sought to uncover corruption from the inside. He bought small numbers of shares of major Russian oil companies, banks and ministries, which allowed him to obtain access to company documents through shareholder meetings. Then, he would pore through the documents and post findings of corporate corruption on his blog and Twitter page.

[pullquote credit=”Sergey Lagodinsky, 2010 world fellow ” align=”center”]He was a totally new type of Russian politician, or any politician for that matter.[/pullquote]

Navalny’s devotion to his blog and Twitter account — at a time when social media was only just gaining mainstream attention — impressed the other fellows.

“He was a totally new type of Russian politician, or any politician for that matter,” Sergey Lagodinsky, a 2010 fellow who now serves as a member of the European Parliament said. “This is a guy who pioneered a new era of digital politics, who could bring his dedication and charisma to the internet for the whole world to see.”

While at Yale, in November 2010, Navalny published a 300-page document on his internet blog, Navalny.ru, revealing that Transneft, a state-controlled Russian oil pipeline monopoly, had embezzled four billion dollars during the construction of a new pipeline. The report was viewed by millions of people, and three weeks later, he learned that the Minister of the Interior had placed him under investigation.

“It was the effect of an exploding bomb when I revealed this report,” Navalny told the News in 2011. “Officials cannot deny my data because it’s not my report; it’s a report by Transneft.”

Lagodinsky, who had been born and raised in Russia before leaving in 1993, said that Navalny’s dedication to his work changed his perception of the typical Russian politician, who he perceived to be “dull, grey, old and totally non-dynamic.”

The then-34 year old Navalny, he said, was bound to become a disruptive force in Russian politics.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”A flyer advertising one of Navalny’s talks” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/NAVALNY-COLLEGE-TEA.png” ALIGN=”right”]

“Russian politics in 2010 was Yavlinsky, a liberal who could inspire nobody,” Lagodinsky said, referring to Yabloko party founder and leader Grigory Yavlinsky. “Alexey was totally inspiring, and he came in with a very ambitious agenda.”

 Navalny’s American influence

As his online profile increased back home, Navalny continued to audit Yale classes and meet with professors daily, with a particular interest in studying American social movements.

As a student on Yale’s campus, Rees described Navalny as a “magnet for people and a sponge for ideas.”

“He was fascinated by, and constantly sucked in all these American-style leadership ideas,” Rees said. “He was really looking to store it and bring it with him back home.”

In particular, Navalny was captivated by the capacity for grassroots movements to influence the American political system, a concept he hoped to bring back to Russia. In a 2011 interview with the New Yorker, three months after leaving Yale, Navalny referred to the Tea Party as an example of a political movement he learned about during his time at Yale.

“It’s an incredible thing: some old ladies got together and are now hammering at Obama from all sides,” Navalny said in the interview.

At this time, Navalny’s priorities as an activist began to shift, according to Cappello. His focus shifted from shareholder rights to a broader interest in using social media to expose Russian government corruption.

“He was always looking for that mobilizing factor,” Cappello said. “As he progressed through the program, it became further entrenched in his mind that corruption, and exposing it to the Russian people, was just that.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Navalny presenting to a student at World Fellows Night” credit=”Harold Shapiro” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Navalny’s nationalist efforts

At times, Navalny’s views could clash with the other fellows. A Russian nationalist, he took part in the annual “Russian march” during early years of his life, a demonstration that united various Russian ultranationalist groups, including neo-Nazis. In August 2008, he supported Russia in its war against Georgia, and called for Georgians to be expelled from Russia. Videos on his YouTube channel from 2008  show him advocating for gun-rights and comparing migrants in Moscow to tooth cavities.

For these reasons, Yevhenii Monastyrskyi ’23 GRD a Ukrainian-born Harvard graduate student in Eastern European History, sees Navalny’s legacy as more complicated than just anti-Putin activism.

“We do have to recognize that for Russians who oppose Putin, Navalny was hope,” Monastyrskyi said. “For Ukrainians, for Georgians, for central Asians, he was an imperialist and a nationalist,” referencing comments Navalny once made suggesting Crimea should be kept in Russian hands and on Georgian migrants.

Later in life, Navalny retracted his stance on Ukraine, declaring that Crimea should be returned to Ukraine.

He also distanced himself from the Russian marches and toned down nationalist rhetoric. During his time at Yale, multiple fellows recalled having “civil disagreements” with Navalny.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Harold Shapiro” src=”” ALIGN=”right”]

“One of the first debates he wanted to have with me was about migration,” Rees, who is of Jamaican-British ancestry, said. “I remember having discussions on our back porch where he would ask me, ‘how do you build a society when you have migration?’”

Rees maintained that Navalny seemed “genuinely intrigued” to hear his perspective, and held very friendly relationships with Di-Aping and Teran, who were of Southern Sudanese and Nicaraguan descent.

Lagodinsky, who at the time was the lead spokesperson for the Jewish community of Berlin, recalled similar disagreements with Navalny over religious diversity, but referred to them as “always friendly and civilized.”

While toning down his nationalist rhetoric, Navalny grew increasingly emboldened in his desire to expose Russian corruption.

“He would repeat the same things over and over again, like about how he was going to expose Putin’s corruption,” Ted Wittenstein, an associate fellow at the time and the current Executive Director of International Security Studies at Yale said. “It wasn’t like we didn’t believe him, but it almost sounded like he was a broken record.”

During discussions with visiting global politicians, Navalny consistently asked the same question, according to Akl. He wanted to know their reasons for continuing to support the corrupt Russian government.

In private discussions, Navalny made his distaste for Russian leadership clear to other fellows. During one evening in the computer room of Betts House, he called Rees over and showed him footage of a journalist being beaten motionless by two government officials on the street.

Post Yale, Navalny faces numerous arrests, remembered as a ‘champion’

Just under a year since the end of the program, in December 2011, Navalny made global headlines for leading protests against alleged fraud in that year’s parliamentary elections. These demonstrations were the largest against the Kremlin since Putin’s ascent to the presidency in 1999.

During the protest, Navalny was publicly arrested and sentenced to a 15-day prison sentence. Soon after his release, he founded the Anti-Corruption Foundation, which grew into the nation’s leading anti-corruption body.

In 2011 and 2013, he returned to campus for World Fellows reunions — trips that would become nearly impossible in later years as Russian forces monitored his activity.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Navalny(left) with Cappello(center right) and his wife, Yulia(right) at Mory’s” credit=”Harold Shapiro” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

His political impact deepened when he ran for mayor of Moscow in 2013. His grassroots campaign — not unlike those he studied at Yale — secured 27 percent of the vote, an unprecedented achievement for an opposition candidate in the Putin era.

During his run for mayor, Russian state media sought to weaponize Navalny’s Yale background in order to portray him as an American sympathizer, referring to him as “the Yale World Fellow .”Gennady Zyuganov, leader of the Russian Communist party, called for Navalny to be jailed for his connections to the ‘Imperial West’ and referred to him as a “direct offspring of their union.”

Since 2011, Navalny was jailed on more than ten separate occasions and spent hundreds of days in custody.

According to Rees, the fellows followed his career closely, and in “particular moments of threat” to Navalny wrote to the Russian embassies to “let them know the world was watching.”

Navalny, too, kept track of the other fellows. One day, during Rees’ run for mayor of Bristol in 2016, Rees’s campaign manager informed him that “we have a Twitter endorsement from a guy with millions of followers,” referring to Navalny.

“That’s the kind of guy he was,” Rees said. “He tweeted to show me support and then later sent an email congratulating me.”

By 2017, Navalny had emerged as the principal challenger to Putin’s presidency but was barred from the election by a court ruling based on fraud charges.

[pullquote credit=”Ted Wittenstein, Executive Director, International Security Studies” align=”center”]He didn’t think he could be a leader in opposition to the Putin regime if he himself wasn’t willing to be there, and potentially pay the ultimate price.[/pullquote]

In 2018, he made his last documented visit to Yale’s campus, where he met with Cappello for lunch at Mory’s. The visit was kept quiet for security reasons, and he had to book multiple flights and hotel rooms to fend off harassment from Russian security services.

His immediate imprisonment following his decision to return to Russia in 2020 after the poisoning attack has left some observers questioning why he ever returned.

However, none of the four fellows whom the News interviewed said that they were surprised by Navalny’s decision.

Wittenstein, who frequently attended Yale football games with Navalny while at Yale and spent hours explaining to him the sport’s rules and strategy, recalled Navalny using a football metaphor to explain his reasoning.

“He said he didn’t want to play ‘armchair quarterback,’ harkening back to his time as a world fellow,” Wittenstein said. “He didn’t think he could be a leader in opposition to the Putin regime if he himself wasn’t willing to be there, and potentially pay the ultimate price.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Navalny and former Yale president Richard Levin” credit=”Harold Shapiro” src=”” ALIGN=”right”]

At the World Fellows’ 20th reunion in 2023, a seat reserved for Alexey was kept empty in the front row.

Since his death on Friday, several world fellows have expressed tributes to Navalny online and on a webpage set up by the Jackson School of Global Affairs.

Former Yale president Richard Levin, who founded the program in 2002, referred to Navalny as “a symbol of what we aspired to be.”

“Alexey was a perfect fit: one cannot imagine a more courageous and determined champion of democracy and human decency,” Levin wrote. “He cherished his time at Yale, and he believed he was fortunate to have had the opportunity to come here. But it was we who were fortunate; it was a privilege to have helped him along his path.”

Several fellows added that Alexey would not have been able to make the impact he did without his wife, Yulia, who Akl described as “equally charismatic and brave.”

Navalny is survived by his wife and two children.

‘Henry’s inner circle’: At Yale, Kissinger sought out a next generation of

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In 1996 — in an unpublicized, covert appearance at Yale’s Berkeley College — Henry Kissinger met with a group of 40 undergraduate students to discuss and field questions on U.S. foreign policy. That talk marked Kissinger’s first documented visit to Yale’s campus. Nearly 30 years later, Kissinger leaves behind a complicated and influential legacy at the University — and the world at large. 

Kissinger, a highly controversial statesman who shaped decades of U.S. foreign policy, died on Nov. 29 at 100 years old. 

As secretary of state and national security advisor in the Nixon and Ford administrations, Kissinger facilitated some of the most significant policy initiatives of the 20th century, including the reopening of U.S.-China relations, negotiating an end to the Vietnam War and easing of U.S.-Soviet tension. But Kissinger’s “Realpolitik” approach to diplomacy yielded dastardly impacts. His deadly bombing campaigns in Cambodia, support for authoritarian regimes in Latin America and greenlighting of Indonesia’s bloodshed in East Timor are among the policies that led to many thousands of civilian deaths — leading many to remember him as a war criminal. 

Kissinger, who studied and taught at Harvard early on in his career, developed a close relationship with Yale after his tenure in government came to a close.

[pullquote credit=”Professor of history, Paul Kennedy” align=”full”]Henry became deeply invested in what he thought would be the source of the next generation of foreign policy.[/pullquote]

Kissinger often made visits to Yale’s campus in the late 1990s and early 2000s and became a frequent guest at seminars in the Grand Strategy program, which was founded in 2000 by Kennedy, John Lewis Gaddis and Charles Hill. The program, designed to develop students’ capacity for strategic thinking, featured several of Kissinger’s readings on the syllabus and scheduled visits to meet with Kissinger at the Yale Club in New York. 

In 2011, Kissinger donated his collection of approximately one million personal papers to Yale. The Kissinger Papers remain accessible to the public through the University’s digital collection.

“Kissinger’s gift of his papers to Yale is a priceless legacy,” Richard Levin, who served as Yale’s president from 1993 to 2013 wrote to the News. “For historians of diplomacy and specialists in international relations, its value is beyond measure.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Kissinger and President Richard C. Levin” credit=”Yale News” src=”” ALIGN=”right”]

The collection was the basis for establishing the Johnson Center for the Study of American Diplomacy at Yale’s Jackson Institute, which, according to its website, “encourages research and teaching on United States foreign policy by drawing on the Kissinger papers as well as other important Yale library collections in this field.” 

The center brings figures in global affairs to campus as Kissinger Senior Fellows and hosts Kissinger Visiting Scholars who research and write about the history of American diplomacy. 

Additionally, the Johnson Center hosted Kissinger at Yale for an annual conference, which convened renowned academics and practitioners to discuss critical issues in international affairs.

“The idea was to try and maintain his connection to the campus and keep him in touch with students,” Ted Wittenstein ’04, the director of the Johnson Center, said.

Kissinger and Yale made national headlines in September of 2021, when Beverly Gage, a professor of history and American Studies as well as the then-director of the Grand Strategy program, resigned. Gage cited donor pressure to influence the curriculum and create an advisory board — including Kissinger. 

Nicholas F. Brady, one of the program’s donors, complained to the Yale administration that under Gage, the program was not “what it was” and not taught “the way Henry Kissinger would,” the New York Times reported. 

Through conversations with Kissinger’s former coworkers, friends and students, as well as Yale faculty members and alumni, the News traced the origins of Kissinger’s relationship with the University and the legacy he leaves behind at Yale.

Arrival at Yale

The story of Kissinger and Yale begins with Charles Hill.

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Hill, who passed away in 2021, joined the foreign service in 1961 and served as a speechwriter and senior advisor to Kissinger starting in 1974. Hill quit the foreign service in 1989 and began teaching at Yale in 1992. But even then, Hill maintained a close relationship with Kissinger, who continued relying on Hill to write all his memos. Kissinger and Hill spoke to him on the phone once or twice a week, according to Paul Kennedy — whose office was next door to Hill’s.

“I remember Henry and Charlie ‘activating’ each other incessantly,” Norma Thompson, a Yale professor and Hill’s wife, wrote. “There was always a new foreign policy project, another intractable political problem that needed addressing.”

Beyond Hill, Kissinger had always admired certain professors in Yale’s history department — namely Donald Kagan, a renowned historian of Ancient Greece, and Jonathan Spence, who specialized in Chinese history. Through Hill, Kissinger became closer to Yale and to many professors at the University.

“At this stage of his life, Henry was interested in having a network of intellectuals,” Kennedy said, recounting dinner parties that Kissinger liked to host at his homes in Manhattan and in Kent, Connecticut.

[pullquote credit=”Paul Kennedy” align=”full”]He liked to think that he could spot the rising stars in fields like politics and diplomacy and bring them into ‘Henry’s inner circle.’[/pullquote]

During Kissinger’s second visit to Yale, he specifically asked to speak with Spence, and Kennedy recalled seeing the two huddled together in the living room of Berkeley College’s Swensen House as Kissinger peppered him with questions about the state of U.S.-China relations.

Kissinger began to grow comfortable with Yale at a time when his relationship with Harvard, his alma mater, was growing tense. Kissinger was a Harvard professor until President Richard Nixon tapped him in 1968 to serve as national security advisor. On leave from campus, Kissinger began to feel isolated from former colleagues who criticized his policies on the Vietnam War, Graham Allison — who was the dean of the Harvard Kennedy School from 1977 to 1989 — told the News.

When a group of his closest colleagues — Thomas Schelling, Stanley Hoffman, Richard Neustadt and Ernest May — traveled to Washington, D.C. in 1969 to march in an anti-war protest, Kissinger became deeply upset. As the war continued, “estrangement morphed into divorce,” Allison said.

Per Allison, Kissinger felt that he should have been offered a professorship at Harvard after ending his service as secretary of state in 1977. But “given views on campus,” Allison said, “that was not a real option.”

[pullquote credit=”Graham Allison” align=”full”]Henry loved Harvard,” Allison wrote to the News. “Given what he saw as rejection by the University that had been formative in his life and career, he accepted – and appreciated – when Hill, Paul, Gaddis and others offered a welcoming alternative.[/pullquote]

That alternative? Yale.

Jeremi Suri GRD ’01, a professor of global affairs at the University of Texas, added that Kissinger felt welcomed at Yale — but not necessarily because the University professors shared his views.

Suri, who studied under Gaddis and Kennedy while earning his doctorate in history, noted that Kennedy — whom he regards as a more left-leaning historian — “has a very different perspective from Kissinger.”

“This is very much a story about Kissinger becoming comfortable with people but not because they agreed with him necessarily,” he said. “Kissinger felt they at least respected his work in a way that Harvard never did.”

Suri is also the author of “Henry Kissinger and the American Century,” a 2007 book detailing Kissinger’s career and policy directives.

Kissinger’s first interaction with Grand Strategy students came in the fall of 2003, when 30 of the program’s students took the train to New York City to meet with Kissinger at the Yale Club. Hesitant about appearing on campus, Kissinger did not make his first appearance at a Grand Strategy seminar until 2005.

Among students at Yale, Kissinger found less pushback than he originally feared. Kennedy recalled hearing that the last time Kissinger visited Harvard’s campus, someone had thrown an egg at him. Kennedy admitted, though, that the story may well be “urban legend.”

In addition to scheduled meetings with students in the Grand Strategy program, events with Kissinger outside of the classroom became routine as well. Every so often, Kissinger’s limo would drop him off outside Berkeley College for private dinners with Yale undergraduates.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Kissinger as a senior at Harvard University” credit=”Wikimedia Commons” src=”” ALIGN=”right”]

Kissinger grew to love these dinners and began to expect an invitation, according to Kennedy. If Kissinger felt he was snubbed, he would complain.

Ted Wittenstein ’04 LAW ’12, who was a student in the Grand Strategy program, recalled being impressed by Kissinger’s willingness to engage with students, especially at the age of 80.

“I was struck by his intellectual curiosity, his eagerness to question his students about their research,” he said. “I also think he enjoyed engaging with people in the program who held different views.”

He noted that certain students did not see “eye to eye” with Kissinger but valued the opportunity to speak with him nonetheless. Kennedy recalled emphasizing to students the importance of studying opposing viewpoints.

“It’s fine if you want to speak and learn from Henry, but when you’re writing your research paper for my class, make sure you’re not just drawing from his books,” he said.

Kennedy also described the relationship between Kissinger and undergraduate students as  “a sort of mutual flattery.”

“I think that in later years, Henry was yearning for respect after taking years of criticism,” Kennedy said, noting that he came to view Kissinger as a “lonely” figure due to widespread criticism of his policies and views.

Gaddis described Kissinger as someone who was “eager to help Yale professors and to meet — even to hire — Yale students.” Kissinger hired several students from the Grand Strategy program to work for him in advisory positions at some of his late-in-life business endeavors, Gaddis said.

The Kissinger collection 

Kissinger’s devotion to the University extended beyond his interactions with his students. In 2011, Kissinger chose to donate much of his extensive archive of papers to the University — in part, Gaddis said, because Hill suggested it.

“Yale is honored to be chosen as the home for the papers of Dr. Kissinger, who has been among the major figures of the past century in shaping U.S. foreign policy,” Levin said in a press release announcing the donation.

Parts II and III of Kissinger’s personal collection are available at the Yale University Library, with Part I housed in the Library of Congress. In 2015, Yale digitized the entire collection, allowing online public access to descriptions and digital reproductions of the materials. Part II documents Kissinger’s pre-government, government and post-government careers during the 20th century, while Part III primarily covers Kissinger’s post-government career after 2000.

No other archival collection about U.S. foreign policy has been digitized and made publicly available to the extent that Kissinger’s papers have, said Yale library archivist Joshua Cochran. Cochran curates the American History and Diplomacy collections at Yale.

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Over the years, Cochran has observed the papers generate interest from undergraduates, faculty and graduate students alike.

“Having the papers at Yale and seeing the interest they generate, I think will keep those conversations and ideas about the legacy and future of U.S. foreign policy going for the foreseeable future,” he wrote to the News.

One section of Part III is restricted to the public until 25 years after Kissinger’s death. In 2048, that section will become open to research. 

Kennedy suggested that Yale’s willingness to restrict certain parts of the collection may have been a “hook” to persuade Kissinger to donate his collection to Yale over other interested institutions, including the Library of Congress and the Hoover Institution, where he was a fellow. 

He speculated that this part of the collection may involve insight into Kissinger’s communications with Saudi Arabia, which Kissinger may have felt were not ready to be viewed publicly.

Cochran called the restrictions “standard archival practice,” writing that it is common for archives to “discuss and potentially allow for some access restrictions to the papers for a period of time.”

Gaddis emphasized that Yale’s purpose in publicizing Kissinger’s collection is to enable students to formulate their own interpretations of his career.

“The purpose of archives is not to promote any single legacy, but to make it possible for future scholars to reach their own conclusions,” he wrote. “Yale’s role has been to make Kissinger’s papers accessible, and that it’s now doing for projects ranging from major books to undergraduate essays.”

Legacy at Yale

Kissinger’s continued relationship with Yale, particularly in the latter half of the 21st century, did not come without controversy.

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His annual conferences were staffed by tight security, and in at least one year, protesters interrupted him to criticize his record on human rights. 

During the Vietnam War, Kissinger and then-President Richard Nixon ordered clandestine bombing raids on neutral Cambodia in an effort to flush out Viet Cong forces in the east of the country. In 1975, Kissinger gave Indonesian President Suharto the go-ahead for Indonesia’s 1975 invasion of East Timor — a mission that left at least 200,000 dead. In Chile, after the U.S. ousted elected president Salvador Allende, Kissinger provided support for the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, a brutal dictator who oversaw the murder of 3,065 people in the name of fighting Communism.

Ahead of Kissinger’s third annual conference in 2014, only select students at the Jackson School of Global Affairs received notification. Those students were told by email to keep word of the event a secret.

“Dr. Kissinger’s visit to campus will not be publicized, so we appreciate your confidentiality with respect to this exciting opportunity,” Larisa Satara, the then-associate director of Yale’s Jackson Institute for Global Affairs, wrote in the email, which was forwarded to Salon.

Some students, alumni and faculty pushed back against Kissinger’s presence on campus and influence on the Grand Strategy program. 

“No one has worked longer and harder to help Kissinger justify and polish his controversial legacy than John Gaddis at Yale,” James Sleeper, a then-Yale professor of political science, wrote in a 2011 article criticizing the Grand Strategy program. 

Sleeper did not respond to an interview request from the News.

Laura Wexler, an American Studies professor at Yale, wrote that Kissinger’s connection to Yale means that the institution is “stitched much more firmly into the daisy chain of U.S. imperialism.”

[pullquote credit=”Laura Wexler” align=”full”]I hope that the Kissinger papers that are now here will allow scholars in the future to document more exactly what that has meant, for us in New Haven, for the country, and for those millions of people around the world directly impacted by the violence and terrible arrogance of his realpolitik,[/pullquote]

Roughly two months before Kissinger’s death, Daud Shad ’21 co-penned an opinion column lambasting Yale’s ties to the late secretary of state.

In that column, Shad claimed that the University’s “celebration” of Kissinger goes against Yale President Peter Salovey’s recent claim that Yale “stand[s] for peace.” 

“Such a claim is utterly absurd when the university celebrates some of the worst warmongers in recent history, such as Kissinger,” he wrote.

Shad cited the Kissinger Senior Fellows program and quotes from former and current Yale presidents Levin and Salovey, in which they respectively said Yale was “fortunate” and “privileged” to host Kissinger. Shad also noted the donor pressure that Beverly Gage and the Grand Strategy program experienced in 2021. 

Salovey did not respond to the News’ requests for comment. Levin, however, wrote in affirmation of Kissinger’s extensive experience in foreign policy.

“Dr. Kissinger’s “realist” approach to foreign policy may not have appealed to everyone,” Levin wrote to the News in response. “But no one else engaged in international affairs over the past six decades combined such a deep knowledge of history with such a penetrating awareness of current affairs.”

Stanley Heller ’69, who majored in history while at Yale, called on the University to distance itself from Kissinger. Heller is also the executive director of Connecticut’s Middle East Crisis Committee.

“We’ve learned more and more about Kissinger’s crimes as the years have gone by (Cambodia, East Timor, Chile, etc.),” he wrote. “Yale should repudiate his influence on strategic thinking and in particular rename or renounce the Kissinger Fellowship.”

Jeremi Suri — who authored “Henry Kissinger and the American Century” — also weighed in on the controversy over Kissinger’s frequent presence on Yale’s campus. 

To Suri, that presence would only be a problem if “Kissinger were being brought in and people on the other side were not.” 

“One could make the argument that he’s a war criminal,” Suri said. “But I think the scale of his behavior is not outside the norm for American policymakers. His behavior, his actions, the policies he supported are not out of whack with American foreign policy. If you’re not going to bring Kissinger you’re not going to bring people like Condi Rice or Obama,” referring to the drone strikes authorized by the Obama administration.

Suri added that Kissinger might have gravitated toward the students in the Grand Strategy program because he felt it attracted students who “would be more open-minded.”

“This was not a program that was filled with conservatives,” he said. “It was a program where people were self-selecting and cared about foreign policy and respected foreign policymakers.”

Arne Westad, the current director of the Grand Strategy program, said that the program “has no affiliations with any particular form of strategic thinking.” 

None of Kissinger’s readings appeared on the program’s fall 2023 syllabus

“His policy towards the Soviet Union and China was largely successful and made not just the United States but the world a safer place,” Westad said of Kissinger. “He also spearheaded negotiations on nuclear weapons limitations that contributed massively to the peaceful ending of the Cold War.”

But, Westad continued, “his role in the overthrow of democracy in Chile and secret bombing campaigns in Southeast Asia mar his international reputation. Overall, though, Kissinger stands a head above today’s foreign policymakers in his breadth of vision and his understanding of history.”

Following Kissinger’s death on Wednesday, Rolling Stone published an article with the headline “Henry Kissinger, War Criminal Beloved by America’s Ruling Class, Finally Dies.” Other media outlets published articles with similar headlines.

The former U.S. diplomat has never been tried for war crimes. 

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In 1973, Kissinger recieved the Nobel Peace Prize for his work negotiating the ceasefires of the Paris Peace Accords on “Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam.” The prize commitee faced criticism earlier this year, however, for bestowing the award unto Kissinger despite documents revealing that he and other involved officials were aware that the accords would likely fail to end the war. Violent conflict continued through 1975. 

Carla Hill ’58 LAW, who chairs the board that oversees the Kissinger collection, and who served alongside Kissinger in the Ford administration as the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, said that media criticism of Kissinger makes the opportunity provided by the archives at Yale more interesting.

“Students have the opportunity to see the circumstances Henry was working in first hand,” she said. “See how he dealt with issues in Vietnam or Indonesia and decide for yourself if you agree or disagree.”

American Studies professor Wexler said that Kissinger is not the only “unsavory figure” whose legacy has been “lifted up by Yale” in the past, pointing out that John Calhoun, a former U.S. vice president and defender of American slavery, had a residential college named after him until Yale changed the name in 2017.

“As it did with Calhoun, I personally hope that the fact that we are maintaining Kissinger’s presence at Yale will also make possible robust debate that puts forward other ideas about to whom and to what we owe our freedoms,” she wrote. “It is the least that we can do.”

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A public memorial service for Kissinger will be held in New York City. The date of the service has not yet been confirmed.

Correction, Dec. 4: This article has been updated to correct a typo and specify an attribution on a quote.

Ron DeSantis claims that ‘unadulterated leftism’ marked his time at Yale.

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Ron DeSantis graduated from Yale with a history degree in 2001. More than 20 years later, he would come to refer to this degree as a “political scarlet letter.” 

In campaign speeches and interviews, the Republican presidential hopeful has spoken of his alma mater as a place where “unadulterated” and “militant” leftism ran rampant. 

The News spoke with several of the governor’s former classmates and professors who challenged the accuracy of DeSantis’ statements and pointed to the network of Yale friends who have become significant backers of his campaigns.

[pullquote credit=”Carlos Eire” align=”center”]I think DeSantis knows where his political base is largest,” said professor Carlos Eire GRD ’79, a self-identified conservative who taught at Yale while DeSantis was a student. “As he matured politically, he probably felt uncomfortable in retrospect about some of the things that he heard professors say or texts that he was assigned to read at Yale. And now he realizes, ‘Oh, gee, who’s gonna vote for me? I’ll put some distance between myself and those institutions.’[/pullquote]

After graduating from Yale, DeSantis settled in Cambridge, Mass., where he earned his doctorate from Harvard Law School. In the two decades since, he has climbed the ranks of the Republican Party, from the House of Representatives to the Florida governorship.

Now, he is engaged in a battle for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination — a battle he is fighting against, among others, former president Donald Trump and fellow Yale alumnus Vivek Ramaswamy LAW ’13.

Throughout his campaign, DeSantis has criticized Yale. In his 2023 memoir, he described surviving “years of indoctrination” among prep-school elites during his time as an Ivy League student.

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“Man, when you got into that classroom, [it was] attacking religion, attacking people who believed, attacking God,” DeSantis said during a fireside chat with conservative political commentator Ben Shapiro earlier this year. “It was anti-American.”

DeSantis’ media team declined to comment for this article.

The Yale of DeSantis’ memory

DeSantis published his autobiography — “The Courage to be Free” — in February. In it, he criticized the “woke agenda,” which he described as “a war on the truth” and driven by “the elite.” The book’s sales made the governor a millionaire, according to a 2022 state disclosure.

Recalling his time at Yale College, DeSantis described himself as an outsider among the crowd of kids from prestigious boarding schools, like Phillips Academy Andover, Phillips Exeter Academy and Groton School. 

DeSantis contrasted the culture of privilege and prestige at Yale with his own upbringing, writing about his working-class background and long-time devotion to baseball. At the College, he was a member of the baseball team for four years; during his senior year, he was elected captain.

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In addition to feeling socially out of place, DeSantis said that Yale’s political climate was a “major, major culture shock,” noting that Yale marked his first time encountering “unadulterated leftism.”

“I am one of the very few people who went through both Yale and Harvard Law School and came out more conservative than when I went in,” wrote DeSantis. “If I could withstand seven years of indoctrination in the Ivy League, then I will be able to survive Washington, D.C.” 

According to DeSantis, experiences at Yale would later shape his political ideology. The overly liberal campus “allowed [him] to see the future,” he said — one where he now shapes Florida’s educational policies. 

As governor, DeSantis has signed state legislation restricting how concepts such as systemic racism can be taught in core classes at public universities. In March 2022, DeSantis signed the Parental Rights in Education bill, which prohibits classroom instruction on gender identity or sexual orientation in kindergarten through third grade or if not considered “age-appropriate.” 

Are DeSantis’ claims of a “militant left” at Yale an “anachronism”?

DeSantis’ time as an undergraduate history major — from 1997 to 2001 — marked a distinctly tame period for political discourse at Yale, according to Paul Freedman, who was the director of undergraduate studies for history in 2001.

Freedman, who self-describes as a left-leaning historian, did not agree with DeSantis’ characterization of Yale’s political climate. He stated his confusion with the “militant left” the governor described.

“1997 to 2001 was not an era of major controversy,” Freedman said in an interview with the News. “This is before 9/11. It’s before the invasion of Iraq. So it’s not as if the campus was divided by some political issue, as to some extent would be the case after the invasion of Iraq. It was also well after the fall of the Soviet Union and any renewed controversies about the Cold War. So I don’t think those sentiments really existed by the time DeSantis came.”

To the extent that there were left-wing undergraduates at Yale at the time, Freedman said their main cause was focused on organizing a graduate student union. Yale’s graduate student union did not win recognition until last year.

Freedman added that, while the graduate student unionization efforts drew many left-leaning undergraduates, he would “definitely not” describe their demonstrations as “militant leftism.” 

“I’m not sure I can imagine what the ‘militant left’ would be at that time, as opposed to say, during the Vietnam War or the aftermath of World War II,” he said. “There’s a certain anachronism about all of this.”

Conservative undergraduates, specifically within the history major, have always been a minority, Freedman said. But he described those students as an “articulate, well-organized, not tiny” minority. The same is true for most elite universities, Freedman said, specifically citing Harvard and Brown.

According to a 2017 News survey of University faculty, nearly 75 percent identified as “liberal” or “very liberal.” By contrast, 7 percent of faculty described themselves as “conservative,” with only 2 percent identifying as “very conservative.”

“There always was this kind of esprit de corps of conservatives here, because they were a minority, but a proud minority with a long tradition,” Freedman said.

At the turn of the millennium, the Republican Party was the “country club party,” Freedman said. He added that it was the party of elites and many Yale graduates.

Even if the University’s population was liberal at the time, many of its most prominent alumni were not. Freedman pointed to the Bushes — George W. ’68 and George H.W. ’48 — both of whom graduated from Yale and were members of the Delta Kappa Epsilon fraternity, as was DeSantis, before going on to become American presidents.

He added that the dimensions of offensive elitism and militant leftism which DeSantis has used to describe his time at Yale reflect a “21st-century sense of injustice and exclusion” that did not yet exist in the late 1990s. 

“It was a liberal campus for sure,” Freedman told the News. “But that is not what DeSantis is claiming. His attitude isn’t ‘I felt lonely because I wasn’t a liberal.’ It’s ‘I felt outraged because they were tearing down my country.’ Certainly that wasn’t true, at least among the faculty.”

Politics in the classroom 

At an event with the Republican Jewish Coalition earlier this year, DeSantis criticized the content taught in his Yale classes. 

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At the University, he said, he was taught that the Soviet Union was the “victim” in the Cold War and that the United States was to blame.

As an undergraduate, DeSantis enrolled in a class on the Cold War taught by historian John Lewis Gaddis. According to Eire, Gaddis is among the department’s conservative minority.

The News reached out to Gaddis about the political climate at Yale around 2000, but, having been away from the University for the 1999-2000 academic year, Gaddis told the News that he did not feel qualified to make an informed judgment.

In an email to the News, Gaddis wrote that he has no specific memory of DeSantis in his class, which he said regularly enrolled several hundred students.

Gaddis told the News that his course “certainly did not, as DeSantis’s ‘memoir’ implies, blame the U.S. for the Cold War” or promote any of the anti-American sentiment DeSantis recalled.

Eire said that conservative students have always tended to gravitate toward and react well to Gaddis’ classes. 

When asked to characterize Yale’s political climate, Eire said that Yale has always been, and likely will continue to be, a liberal place. Yet, despite his conservative opinions, Eire said that he did not ever recall feeling shunned for his political views. He did mention that conservative students told him they keep their views “quiet.” 

“Conservatives view the Ivy League as ultra-liberal, because it is,” Eire said. “But what most conservatives don’t realize is that the Ivy League is just the frost on the tip of the iceberg. Every other American university is pretty much the same. If you have a college degree, it’s probably from a liberal institution.”

He described the liberal leanings of American universities as a “painful” reality.

Based on his own experiences as a conservative faculty member and on conversations with conservative students, Eire said that he thought DeSantis’ feelings about Yale were “genuine.”

“But that doesn’t necessarily cancel out the fact that he’s very politically shrewd,” Eire added.

Politics outside the classroom

Cristina Noriega ’01, who was in the same senior secret society –– St. Elmo Society –– as DeSantis, said that the University’s campus at the time “did seem liberal” and that “people were very activist-oriented.” She recalled an anecdote where Yale students had posted “ugly signs” about George W. Bush when he was running for president while Bush’s daughter, Barbara Bush ’04, was a student.

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Though there were many liberal students who were opposed to Bush, Noriega said that on campus there were “a lot of conservatives that supported him too.” 

Nick Sinatra ’03 — DeSantis’ close friend and former fraternity brother who has donated to his presidential campaign — also said that the political climate at Yale at the turn of the century was heavily left-leaning.

“It was very liberal for sure,” Sinatra told the News. “I’m sure it’s no different than it is now. If anything it’s probably more liberal now.”

Sinatra said he first felt political tensions on campus in the lead-up to the election of 2000. He described the election as the first time he felt the “great divide” in the country.

According to Sinatra, politics were not a constant feature of campus discourse in the early 2000s. He added that before Sept. 11, 2001, he did not remember students’ political conversations being emotionally charged.

“We’ve got this crazy divide now, but I think back then, it wasn’t so personal,” Sinatra said. “It’s gotten more personal over the years.”

In the lead-up to the 2000 presidential election, Sinatra was in the minority of Bush supporters on campus, he said. He was involved with the Yale College Republicans in supporting the Bush-Cheney ticket that year. According to Sinatra, DeSantis was not part of any political group on campus. 

Sinatra remembered the College Republicans, while nowhere near as large as the Yale College Democrats, as a “pretty substantial group” that met regularly and distributed flyers on campus.

Like Eire and Freedman, he recalled the professors skewing heavily liberal. But for the most part, Sinatra said that he never felt that any professors were “outspoken” about their views or that classes were heavily imbued with political rhetoric.

He said that “militant” — the word DeSantis used to describe Yale’s liberal population — was a stronger word than he would use.

He said that at times engaging with Yale’s overwhelmingly liberal population led to productive discourse — it helped him learn from the other side and hone his own political views.

“As somebody who was on the other side of the fence, I didn’t find [Yale] offensive,” Sinatra told the News. “I appreciated the friendly debate around politics when I was there. I learned from the other side, in terms of how they viewed things, and that sharpened my views of things on the more conservative side of the aisle.”

“Fish out of water” or an “odd bird”? 

DeSantis has publicly described his feelings of political alienation at Yale, comparing himself to a “fish out of water.” According to Noriega, a fellow member of St. Elmo Society, this alienation might have been more about personality than politics. 

Noriega described DeSantis as an “odd bird,” a consensus she said was shared by several women in St. Elmo. 

Noriega found out about DeSantis’ successful run for governor in Florida through article links that were shared in a Facebook group chat with other St. Elmo Society alums. 

Her initial response was shock.

[pullquote credit=”Cristina Noriega” align=”right”]It was shocking to me because, I think people that are successful politicians, and maybe this is a stereotype, really try to network, get to know people and are outgoing,” Noriega said. “That’s my impression, and he was none of those things. He was not personable at all. I was just shocked. He would have been the last person I would have guessed.[/pullquote]

Noriega has previously spoken on DeSantis’ character for a New York Times article. She and two other St. Elmo members detailed how DeSantis rolled his eyes and seemed “bored and disinterested” when she shared her experiences as a Latine woman growing up in San Antonio. DeSantis’ spokesperson told the Times that it was “frankly absurd” for one to remember “such a detail from decades ago.” 

For Noriega, her perception of DeSantis has remained firm in her memory due to his “standoffish” behavior throughout their senior year.

“That’s why I remember him so well,” said Noriega. “I don’t remember a lot of details, but I remember how he made me feel. There’s other people in society that I don’t have any concrete memories of at all, because they were friendly, but we didn’t stay in touch. But I remember him because I was like, ‘What is it with this guy? You know, there’s something off about him.’”

She said she did not view DeSantis’ depiction of Yale as an elitist campus as necessarily accurate. Noriega said that most Yalies were “a part of the mix” and she was surprised by the diversity of Yale. 

While students who had alumni parents and came from private schools were present while DeSantis was a student, they made up a minority of his graduating class, according to a Yale University Fact Sheet for the class of 2001. 

Forty-six percent of the class of 2001 came from independent schools, while 54 percent graduated from public high schools. Fourteen percent of DeSantis’s peers were legacy students.

“Yes, there were the Andover-Exeter kids,” said Noriega. “I had come from a public school in San Antonio, so that was very foreign to me, too. But there were plenty of other people from diverse backgrounds … The thing about Yale that struck me was how diverse it was. San Antonio, Texas, is predominantly Latino, it’s kind of homogenous in that sense. When I went to Yale, there were people from everywhere and all different races and everything like that.”

Noriega knew very little about DeSantis as a Yale student, other than the fact that “baseball was a big thing for him,” she said. According to Noriega, he would arrive at the weekly St. Elmo meetings wearing his baseball uniform. 

Sinatra first met DeSantis when he was a first year and DeSantis a junior. Sinatra’s first-year roommate was on the baseball team and would often invite his teammates over to watch sports games. 

On the day Sinatra met DeSantis, the governor was among a group of baseball players eating pizza and watching wrestling in his common room. Over time, it became something of a ritual — Sinatra recalled there being many times when he would order food and watch games with DeSantis and his baseball teammates. The two remain friends today, according to Sinatra.

Sinatra said DeSantis was quiet and studious as an undergraduate. Sinatra said he remembered DeSantis darting around campus with a backpack full of dense history textbooks.

[pullquote credit=”Nick Sinatra ” align=”center”]He definitely wasn’t somebody that was speaking out about his opinion on things,” Sinatra told the News. “But when he spoke, it was typically thoughtful and people listened. Certainly, the team respected him quite a bit as a leader.[/pullquote]

Athletes, brothers and elites

Outside of his studies, DeSantis’ undergraduate experience was defined by his involvement in two all-male spaces on campus: the baseball team and the Delta Kappa Epsilon fraternity.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Eric Wang, Senior Photographer” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/dke_ap_1_EricWang_editor_online.jpg” ALIGN=”right”]

Throughout its nearly 200-year existence, Yale’s DKE chapter has been at the epicenter of many controversies. DKE’s hazing practices — which include a seven-day “Hell Week” during which members allegedly beat pledges with hangers and smeared them with condiments — made national headlines in 2000. 

When Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh ’87 LAW ’90 — a member of DKE — was accused of sexual assault in 2018, scrutiny of Yale’s chapter entered national discourse. A 1985 photo of DKE members waving a flag made of women’s underwear resurfaced as the group was saddled with accusations of misogyny and sexual assault

In 2018, following allegations of sexual assault, the fraternity suspended all social activities. DKE then lost its lease and was effectively inactive for four years. In the spring of 2022, the fraternity publicly returned to the undergraduate social scene.

According to Sinatra, DKE in the early 2000s was mainly, but not exclusively, composed of athletes. He said it was a 75-25 ratio of athletes to non-athletes. Baseball players, football players and lacrosse players comprised the fraternity’s athlete population, according to Sinatra.

Sinatra lived in the DKE fraternity house during his junior year. He described it as a space where members would study and socialize “a bit” during the week, but spend a lot of time socializing on the weekends.

He said membership in the fraternity was akin to a “brotherly connection.” While some members turned to DKE as their main social outlet, others were less involved, Sinatra said.

“On the weekends, you had people coming through and hanging out, ordering pizza and watching football games or baseball games,” Sinatra told the News. “I think people joined DKE for that reason, you know, for that sense of strong relationships formed through doing activities together. It was a chance to be part of an organization that’s bigger than yourself.”

Sinatra described DeSantis as “the exact opposite” of an active DKE member. DeSantis was a starter on the baseball team and a diligent student, which, Sinatra said, consumed most of DeSantis’ time. 

Sinatra emphasized that he had no memory of DeSantis’ involvement in the fraternity’s Hell Week.

While he was not involved in DKE on a day-to-day basis, Sinatra said DeSantis would frequently show up to the fraternity’s weekend social events. Sinatra said that during the fall, DeSantis organized opportunities for his DKE brothers to gather and watch World Series games — gatherings that first brought Sinatra and DeSantis together in the fall of 1999.

Sinatra spoke to the general perception of athletes on campus at the time, saying they were viewed as inferior by their peers.

“I felt that athletes were generally looked down upon by a lot of professors and some students,” Sinatra told the News. “Athletic events just weren’t really well attended.” 

According to Nicole Lim ’04, who was a member of the Kappa Kappa Gamma sorority, DKE was known as “one of the jock frats.” She said that she knew DKE’s hazing process was “intense” from anecdotal information shared within her sorority. 

Though Lim said she could not remember if she ever attended a DKE party, she recalled that most of their parties were also predominantly composed of athletes.

“Yeah, I think [DKE] was like very much a football-baseball frat?” said Lim. “It had a reputation for just being a frat-y frat. It was like jocks and stuff. It was bro-y.”

The News reached out to nine members of Yale’s 2001 baseball team for comment. One declined to comment and eight did not respond. 

While St. Elmo included students from different communities at Yale, Noriega said that it drew a considerable number of student-athletes — Noriega was a water polo player who had another teammate in the tap class above her. 

In describing the student-athlete culture at Yale, Noriega said that it was common for athletes to primarily befriend and engage with their sports team, even though there was not a strict divide between students.

Funds from Bulldog teammates and brothers 

Since their time at Yale, Sinatra and DeSantis have remained close friends, and Sinatra has contributed financial support to DeSantis’ political campaigns for over a decade. 

Sinatra first supported DeSantis’ 2012 campaign for Florida’s 6th congressional district. Deciding to run after his military service in Iraq, DeSantis reached out to Sinatra, who had worked for President Bush and had previously been involved in Republican politics.

“He was looking for help trying to put together a fundraising apparatus,” said Sinatra. “I rounded up a few Yale athletes, we put some money together and did a little fundraising dinner for him in New York.”

Internally known as the “Fight Club,” the group is composed of former classmates, DKE fraternity brothers and baseball teammates who have funded Desantis’ presidential campaign — contributing nearly $5.5 million to his campaign funds so far. 

DeSantis spoke about this “Fight Club” in an October interview with Fox News.

Some of my closest friends that I’ve had for 20, 25 years, they are killing it for me raising money,” DeSantis said to Fox News. “I mean it’s really, really cool to have guys I was in college with playing baseball that are now here as part of this.” 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Yale Daily News” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/desantis_photo_2.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

When pitching DeSantis’ campaign to other Yalies, Sinatra said that he sold DeSantis as a family man. According to Sinatra, he was drawn to DeSantis’ commitment to family, country and faith — an extension of the Yale motto: “For God, for Country and for Yale.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”” credit=”Wikimedia Commons” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/640px-Ron_DeSantis_Official_Portrait_113th_Congress_cropped_2.jpg” ALIGN=”right”]

Though Sinatra avowed “wholehearted” support for DeSantis’ campaign, he said he was hesitant to align himself fully with all of DeSantis’ policies. According to Sinatra, he supports DeSantis financially not because he agrees with all of his political views, but rather, because he supports his character. 

“It’s always, to me, about the person, not every single view. I’m never going to agree 100 percent with one person on every single view,” said Sinatra. “The characteristics of Ron that I love are who he is as a person. I mean, he’s a huge family man. I’ve seen him interact quite a bit with his wife and his kids.” 

At a panel with the Republican Jewish Coalition earlier this year, DeSantis said that were he to receive a resume from a Yale affiliate, he would be “negatively disposed.” 

This negative disposition, according to Sinatra, stems from the governor’s belief that the University has a political agenda. Despite his rhetoric, Sinatra said he believes DeSantis was proud of his time at Yale and the friendships that he formed at the University.  

Sinatra said that he personally appreciated his Ivy League undergraduate and graduate education. 

He told the News that he does not think he would not be where he is professionally without his Yale and Wharton degrees.

In response to DeSantis’ public depiction of Yale, Noriega said that DeSantis’ disavowal of Yale elitism was “silly.” 

[pullquote credit=”Cristina Noriega” align=”full”]I think he’s crafting a narrative that he wants to craft,” said Noriega. “Why would he want to go to Yale and then choose to go to Harvard after that? Why would he even elect to be in a [secret society], where you’re going to be with different kinds of people?[/pullquote]

DeSantis’ Yale connections have comprised a considerable base of support during his candidacy, Sinatra said.

He added that the abundance of financial support levied from personal connections makes DeSantis’ donor base “unique.” The base is built on over two decades worth of knowing DeSantis as a friend, Sinatra said. 

[pullquote credit=”Nick Sinatra” align=”full”]We’ve been great advisors to him and friends to him and it’s really lonely sometimes [on the campaign trail],” Sinatra said. “Some of us have helped [him] raise some money, and so I’m sure that had he gone to a different school, that might be different.[/pullquote]

DeSantis was in Saybrook College.

Tweed’s embattled expansion

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When Lorena Venegas returned to her childhood hometown of East Haven in 2009, the Tweed New Haven Airport was hardly on her mind. While she was aware of the airport’s proximity to the town — she even flew out of Tweed a few times in the 1990s — she had ultimately chosen to settle down for the town’s access to nature.

That changed in 2019 after she began sitting in on the monthly airport authority board meetings. There, New Haven residents in attendance regularly complained about noise disturbances, air pollution and soot stains on their roofs. Their concerns piqued her interest.

“When you have somebody that’s describing that kind of pollution on their own property, then that’s impacting health and all living matter,” Venegas said. “My interest started in going to those meetings and learning as much as I can about the board.” 

Then, developments at the airport started coming closer to home. The pandemic hit, shutting down schools and sending families scrambling for support. At the same time, the airport authority released its environmental assessment for a taxiway and drainage improvement project in 2020. Too busy navigating their upended lives, the community members let the public comment period pass unnoticed. When she finally read the news of canal ditches dug along the East Haven side of the airport, Venegas reacted in disbelief. 

“I said, ‘Oh my gosh, this happened and we weren’t able to have a public voice in it,’” she recalled.

Now, East Haven residents, facing Tweed’s latest — and largest — expansion plan, have mounted their fiercest opposition yet, including a push for a more comprehensive environmental impact report.  

In its 2021 updated master plan, the airport outlined intentions to extend its main runway and construct a new terminal. It also struck a partnership with Avelo Airlines, a Houston-based airline that pledged $60 million in hopes of opening the region to service routes from across the country.

The airport’s environmental assessment — a federally mandated report detailing the environmental impacts of Tweed’s expanded footprint — came out in March, followed by an extended public comment period that ended in May. The 206-page assessment concluded that the airport expansion project would present “limited environmental impacts” and now awaits the Federal Aviation Administration’s approval, which would set the stage for expansion.

But local organizations and residents are skeptical. In recent months, community members have challenged the report’s conclusions, pointing to the potential for significant wetland and wildlife damage, noise impacts and air pollution.

“[Tweed airport] is going to destroy a lot of lives,” Jean Edwards-Chieppo, East Haven resident and “Keep Tweed Small” organizer, said during an East Haven community gathering in September. “It’s going to be horrendous for this town.”

During the public comment period, community members have penned thousands of letters calling on the FAA to conduct an environmental impact statement, or EIS. 

If approved, the EIS would subject the airport to an additional multi-year process of ensuring that environmental regulations are met before construction begins. This would require federal agencies to take a closer look at the project — supplementing the earlier environmental assessment — and create additional opportunities for residents to voice their concerns.

“The [FAA’s] response has to be EIS,” Anthony Camposano, an East Haven resident now running for mayor on an anti-Tweed expansion platform, said. “I don’t see how it’s possible at all that they wouldn’t put through an EIS.”

Tweed’s development: boom and bust

Tweed’s proposed expansion is the result of a 2022 lease agreement between the city of New Haven and Avports, a Goldman Sachs-owned airport management company. Although the city officially owns the airport, Avports — which has operated Tweed for 24 years — will continue overseeing the airport’s development and invest $100 million into its expansion.

New Haven and Avports also cut a deal with Avelo, a budget airline company that promised nonstop flights, 100 crew members and three standing 737-700 Next Gen aircraft by the end of 2021, as well as $1.2 million in funding for improvements to the existing west terminal.

Although Tweed has its sights set on expansion, Kenneth Dagliere, East Haven’s newly appointed representative on the airport’s authority board, likens Tweed to a “postage stamp” — an airport mainly dedicated to small commuter aircraft and short connecting flights.

“[Tweed is] nestled in the middle of a neighborhood surrounded by residential homes, and sits right on the edge of environmental wetlands,” Dagliere said. “It’s never been built for this type of air traffic.”

Even so, Dagliere admitted that the airport has always been a “point of controversy” in the East Haven community, with talk of expansion stretching back decades.

The airport’s origins date back almost a century. Tweed opened in 1931, and American Airlines began operating its first passenger and air mail services in 1934. Eastern Airlines and Allegheny Airlines joined in the 1950s, flying to cities across the country. 

When East Haven raised legal challenges against Eastern and Allegheny in 1971 for causing a “public and private nuisance,” New Haven Airways — the city’s privately contracted airline operator — stepped in to continue operations. While still providing routes to New York, Philadelphia, Washington and Baltimore, Tweed scaled back its number of destinations.

East Haven residents remember this as a time when air travel was manageable. Dagliere, who moved to East Haven in 1959, bought a house under the expectation that he would “[know] what the air traffic was going to be.” He explained that even at Tweed’s former heights, none of the operating airlines had brought in as much traffic as Avelo.

Air travel at Tweed briefly rebounded in the 1990s as the city welcomed Air Wisconsin, US Airways Express and United Express, which at one point offered nonstop flights to Chicago. Business, however, was difficult to sustain: by 1996, only US Airways Express remained in service.

Michael Piscitelli, New Haven’s economic development administrator, explained that Tweed has operated at a financial deficit for “many, many years.” As of 2021, the airport received $1.8 million in annual support from state and city subsidies.

That number has dropped to $1.05 million over the last year. In its annual audit, the airport authority credited the new lease agreement with easing some of the financial burden. Tweed’s 2022 general fund revenues increased by $3.1 million from the previous year, partly due to new air service and a “significant increase” in the number of travelers.

New Haven officials have touted the airport as a boon for business. According to Piscitelli, the airport would bolster the city’s significance as “a place for research, science and innovation” and unlock new economic potential. Coupled with the city’s network of passenger rail lines, Tweed could provide New Haven with a connection to “key markets” along the Eastern Seaboard.

Piscitelli projected that the expanded airport would provide 200 new on-site jobs in addition to short-term construction work. City administration has argued that it will also bring indirect benefits to the larger community through a growing hospitality industry. 

East Haven residents have not been as sanguine. For Venegas, the new lease agreement calls to mind the airport’s boom and bust cycle from the 1990s.

[pullquote credit=”Lorena Venegas” align=”right”]We’ve wanted to make [Tweed] a hub for business, but it hasn’t turned out that way,” Venegas cautioned. “This is another experiment that we’re doing now.[/pullquote]

Since the turn of the century, Tweed has pressed on through fits and stumbles — attracting new airlines but often struggling to retain them. Delta subsidiary Comair started services in 2004 but announced plans to discontinue a year later due to cost concerns. In 2007, the Pan Am Clipper Connection — a Boston-Maine Airways commuter route with service to Baltimore’s Thurgood Marshall Airport — lasted just five months in the face of sluggish demand.

For Avports, though, Tweed hasn’t lost its promise. Andrew King, spokesperson for Tweed, explained that the company took over Tweed’s management after noting New Haven’s 30 years of expensive and limited commercial passenger service. Its comprehensive study had identified the southern Connecticut region as “the second largest underserved market in the country.”

Demand has been high since the 2021 deal with Avelo. Avelo Airlines unveiled nonstop routes to Cocoa Beach, Daytona Beach, Spartanburg and San Juan within the past year alone, adding to its existing flights, which include Tampa, Fort Lauderdale, Baltimore and Chicago. The airport’s total 5,650 landings and takeoffs in 2022 exceeded even the master plan’s 2025 forecast.

Flights have increased, but the airport’s operational capacity has not, contributing to Avelo and Avports’ desire for expansion. 

Per FAA standards, Tweed’s current 5,600-foot runway is not long enough to accommodate Avelo’s fleet of Boeing 737-800s at their full capacity; due to payload weight restrictions, the 183-seat planes can only accept 162 passengers. Even the airline’s smaller lineup of 737-700s can only carry full loads when conditions are “good.” Avelo Flight Operations Vice President Andrew Lotter called for longer runways in a letter to Tweed, writing that “operating an airline at [Tweed] only in ‘good weather’ is not a sustainable business plan.”

A noisy, noxious neighbor — expansion could make matters worse

Tweed’s expansion has brought serious concerns about noise and health impacts.

Environmental advocates and community members expect the expansion to exacerbate air pollution in an already impacted area. New Haven’s ozone levels reached “severe” last fall. Its carbon monoxide and fine particulate matter concentrations exceeded National Ambient Air Quality Standards as recently as 1997 and 2012, respectively. 

“You have to think bigger when it’s public health,” Venegas said. “You have to think about children in those school systems that are around the airport.”

East Haven residents have enlisted the help of the academic community as they await the FAA’s decision on the expansion. 10,000 Hawks, an advocacy group dedicated to preserving the town’s wetlands and shorelines, recently worked with Tufts University professor Neelakshi Hudda to survey the air quality around the airport. Hudda, whose lab researches urban air pollution, collected data in an electric Chevy outfitted with sensors and conducted measurements inside residents’ homes. 

“We found that it was no surprise that individual aircraft can emit huge amounts of air pollution when they are operational,” Hudda said. “That engine revs up, concentrations go up.”

Her team picked up a “significant amount” of aircraft pollution at homes just across the airport fence line, saying that there was “no confusion” about the cause.

Hudda’s lab screened their results with special attention to oxides of nitrogen but also ultrafine particles, a distinctive signature of fuel combustion that is not federally regulated and was not considered in the environmental assessment. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”East Haven residents have brought scientific help. The Hudda lab’s EV collected air quality measurements throughout the area earlier this year.” credit=”Courtesy of Neelakshi Hudda” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

Residents are worried that the expansion will also exacerbate existing problems with noise pollution. Some properties already lie less than 600 feet away from the runway.

Resident complaints of unbearable noise have grown since Avelo started flying out of Tweed, especially when the aircraft circle around as they wait to land. Edwards-Chieppo recalled that sometimes planes “attempt to land five or six times, and then have to be diverted.” 

Dan Laudano, a lifelong East Haven resident who lives close to the airport, also reported experiencing extreme disturbance as the planes take off and land.

[pullquote credit=”Dan Laudano” align=”right”]Whenever the planes come by, I have to plug my ears, even if I’m in the house,[/pullquote]

The assessment predicts that noise disturbance will impact a total of 54 homes. Its analysis found that sites such as the East Haven Adult Education School and Ms. Shaina’s Neighbor School would experience sound levels above the FAA’s acceptable day-night sound average level limits. 

King, the Tweed spokesperson, admitted that sound disturbance is a “real issue.” He explained that the FAA provides a program for mitigation if houses are within a calculated range, but that hasn’t always been a “perfect system.” A home that receives noise insulation might have a next-door neighbor who just happens to miss the coverage threshold, for instance. 

Avports has promised to step in with “block rounding noise mitigation.” Details of the “Residential Sound Insulation Program” have not yet been specified, but it would provide an additional $5 million to the community for select air conditioning or window replacement in homes left out from the FAA’s assessment.

Previous studies have linked noise pollution to an increased risk of heart attack and hypertension. The World Health Organization has also associated prolonged noise exposure above 45 decibels with impaired cognitive development.

All of these disturbances will take place in an area already environmentally impacted by facilities in addition to the airport. The assessment acknowledged that the project area experiences a “moderate to high environmental burden.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”According to Connecticut DEEP, Tweed is surrounded by multiple other “affecting facilities.” ” credit=”Courtesy CT DEEP” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

“This is near what could be the most overburdened environmental justice neighborhood in the state,” Roger Reynolds, the legal director of New Haven-based conservation nonprofit Save the Sound, said.

Reynolds noted the presence of oil terminals, Interstate 95, power plants and trash facilities surrounding the Annex, a New Haven neighborhood just a mile north of the airport. Connecticut DEEP’s website shows that the area is bordered by the East Shore sludge facility, PSEG power station, New Haven Harbor Station and oil storage facilities owned by Shell, Gulf Oil and Buckeye Partners. 

In 2022, East Haven came in 17th out of 169 municipalities on Connecticut’s Department of Economic and Community Development Distressed Municipalities List, which ranks areas significantly impacted by poverty. This year, it came 25th. By the state’s definition, that would also make the town an environmental justice community.

In response to the assessment, the Conservation Law Fund proposed that the airport should install HEPA filters in schools, invest in water runoff filtration systems and fund neighborhood health centers to prevent asthma.

Surrounding wetlands under siege 

Beyond the noise and air pollution, Tweed’s ecological disturbance has been one of East Haveners’ foremost concerns over the past two years. 

Local residents, worried about the construction’s wetland impacts and health hazards, have routinely petitioned against the project since its announcement. Venegas’ 10,000 Hawks protested outside the East Haven town hall last year. Keep Tweed Small — a 599-member Facebook group — sprung up in August 2021 as residents from New Haven, East Haven and Branford banded together to share their grievances. 

Many residents stressed the importance of East Haven’s natural areas and identified the region’s low-lying coastal floodplains as crucial habitats for native, endangered wildlife.

The airport’s proposed expansion would involve the addition of a six-story parking garage, a relocated 80,000 square-foot “east terminal,” a 462,500 square-foot aircraft apron for overnight plane parking and a 639-foot extension of its current runway. 

The environmental assessment found “no critical habitats within the project site,” adding that construction would have neither “adverse impacts” on species of special preservation status nor contribute to habitat fragmentation. According to the document, construction would take place on already disturbed wetlands — most of which were filled in during the 1930s to become mowed grassland. 

Despite the assessment’s conclusion that expansion would not harm nearby habitats, local response has suggested otherwise. Save the Sound and the Conservation Law Foundation have both challenged the report’s findings, joining many residents in their push for an EIS.

 Reynolds explained that the airport could seriously affect East Haven’s wetlands. Noting Tweed’s proximity to the Morris Creek Nature Preserve — which sits half a mile from the runway’s southernmost end — he said that the construction’s environmental disturbance merited a more comprehensive review.

[pullquote credit=”Roger Reynolds” align=”right”]The impacts really need to be studied thoroughly. And the draft environmental assessment is not that,[/pullquote]

Avports’ assessment process appears to have pared back the construction’s expected wetland footprint. In an email to the FAA in April 2022, Save the Sound anticipated that the project would disturb at least 29.5 total acres of wetlands. In the released report, the assessment anticipates construction to impact a total of 8.98 acres of wetland, 0.1 acres of which are undisturbed.

Save the Sound noted that the airport conducted a full EIS in 2002 for an extension of the runway, which impacted 9.89 acres of wetland.

Tweed’s surroundings also boast a reputation for avian diversity. The airport lies immediately north of Lighthouse Point Park, a designated “important bird area” by the Audubon Society. The park’s famed raptor migrations draw more than 5,000 annual bird sightings.

Residents have argued that, beyond wetland disturbance, incoming planes will likely interfere with these bird migrations. David Gersz, a lifelong East Haven resident and regular visitor of Lighthouse Point Park, was sitting in the park one afternoon when he noticed how close the descending planes had come to the migrating hawks.

“The plane comes right across coming in. And we got hawks and eagles, and all kinds of little birds flying around,” Gersz said.

While the assessment found “minimal temporary disturbance” on migrating avian species, it did acknowledge that the airport would potentially share the space with certain state-listed threatened and endangered species, including the horned lark, grasshopper sparrow and northern diamondback terrapin, among others. Two state-threatened plant species have also been documented on the site of the proposed east terminal development.

Tweed’s location in the heart of a flood-prone zone has not helped with planning efforts, either. Hugging Long Island Sound, the airport sits squarely within FEMA’s 100-year floodplain zone and is listed as “high risk” for future flooding.

Rainfall this year has offered a glimpse of what the future might hold: torrential rain this past July forced the airport to close for a day, canceling 15 flights due to severe flooding. Another rainstorm in August  brought two to three inches of water into the terminal, though the airport remained operational.

While New Haven recently added tide gates to nearby Morris Creek, precipitation at high tide could easily overwhelm the existing infrastructure. 

In anticipation of rising sea levels, the new terminal would be built on stilts and elevated eight feet above the current terminal’s height. According to King, the terminal’s underside would feature a “water collection system” to help manage flooding events. The assessment also announced plans to raise the current runway by three to six feet, which is above the state’s projected 20-inch sea level rise by 2050.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Flooding is common at the airport and the surrounding area, where water frequently accumulates after storms. Since this storm in October 2022, the airport has flooded 5 more times ” credit=”Courtesy Lorena Venegas” src=”” ALIGN=”full”]

The environmental assessment assured “compensatory mitigation” for all wetland areas disturbed by the project but did not finalize where those sites would be. A 2022 meeting with the Connecticut Department of Energy and Environmental Protection identified eight parcels of land outside airport property for potential wetland restoration projects.

Avports’ plans for wetland remediation have been met with accusations of empty promises.

“What they’ve said is they’re going to either pay fees or participate in wetland restoration projects elsewhere outside the area, but they haven’t even said what those will be,” Reynolds, the Save the Sound legal director, said. “It’s impossible to know if the mitigation is sufficient or not.”

Tweed’s expansion plans come at a time when environmental activists are increasingly critical of air travel’s role in accelerating climate change. According to some estimates, the aviation industry accounts for 2.5 percent of global emissions and 5 percent of global warming.

Reynolds said that Save the Sound had been shocked by the assessment’s initial prediction that the expansion would lower emissions and improve air quality. According to the report, allowing the larger 737-800W planes to operate at Tweed would decrease the current number of flights taken by existing aircraft and thereby minimize its carbon footprint.

For Reynolds, that prediction runs counter to the model’s assumption of increased air travel, which appears to show an increase of 871,045 passengers over the next decade. 

“I don’t have an issue with [the calculations] one way or another,” Reynolds said. “But that belies common sense.”

An inter-town conflict

In addition to its environmental issues, the conflict at Tweed points to deeper municipal tensions over land use.  

Tweed Airport straddles East Haven and New Haven. The land is leased by New Haven, but construction of the new terminal would take place on the East Haven side. 

East Haven community members note that the proposed construction would impact their side of airport property, even though they don’t have the same decision-making representation as New Haven. Of the 15-member board that oversees the airport’s operations, the Connecticut state legislature grants eight representatives to New Haven, five to East Haven and two to the South Central Regional Council of Governments. 

“We really have no say legally in the expansion, which is horrific, because it’s affecting us,” Edwards-Chieppo, the Keep Tweed Small organizer, said.

In addition to concerns about board seats, East Haven would shoulder the airport’s operating burden. Dagliere explained that the new terminal and its resulting traffic would require an expansion of the town’s current police, firefighting, EMT and public works departments. All of this added infrastructure, he said, would be propped up by East Haven taxpayers.

In its comments on the environmental assessment, the Town of East Haven wrote that it would be “unlikely” to derive any noticeable economic benefit from the airport.

Early this September, East Haven residents gathered around the town green to hear Stacy Gravino and Anthony Camposano speak about their anti-airport platform for the coming election. 

“There is no benefit to East Haven,” Gravino, Republican candidate for town clerk, told the small crowd. “There is nothing that they can say that is going to benefit us.”

Gravino has pledged to try “everything that is in our power” to stop the expansion of the airport. Camposano, who is running as an independent, also hopes his mayoral candidacy can prevent the airport’s expansion by promoting increased dialogue within the community. 

Camposano’s two other mayoral opponents — incumbent Democrat Joseph Carfora and Republican Samantha Parlato — also recently expressed their opposition to the project.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”East Haven residents at an informal gathering in September to hear Carfora and Gravino share their stances on the airport’s expansion” credit=”Hanwen Zhang, Contributing Photographer” src=”” ALIGN=”center”]

East Haven Mayor Carfora endorsed the project in its early stages, communicating his confidence that the plan would “benefit our community in a way that previous iterations would not have.” However, he suddenly reversed his position in 2022 during the lease’s formal approval stage, explaining that the ecological and economic impacts on the town were not what he had originally expected. Democrat state Sen. Christine Cohen has also opposed the project.

Carfora has also argued that the town would lose roughly $2.5 million in taxes from the new terminal. Under a 2003 Connecticut Supreme Court decision, Tweed’s terminal is exempt from East Haven taxation. Flare, an aviation consulting company hired by Avports, estimated that the project would raise $2 million in tax revenue for East Haven, although Venegas took issue with their methodology.

Carfora did not respond to multiple interview requests.

Despite Tweed’s promise of cheaper air travel and easier airport access, East Haven residents have pushed back by explaining that these benefits simply won’t apply to them.

“East Haven doesn’t have the money to get a plane ticket and go travel anywhere,” Camposano said. “Everyone’s living paycheck to paycheck. We can’t afford to vacation every month, once a year.”

Approval or environmental impact statement?

Since the public comment period closed last May, the FAA has been reviewing responses to the environmental assessment. The FAA has not committed a firm date for its decision, but its response to the project could come any day. Currently, the agency could accept the assessment with a “finding of no significant impact” — known as a FONSI — require certain additional mitigation measures or issue an EIS. 

The FAA must accept and defend the environmental assessment before the permitting and construction process can begin, as mandated by the National Environmental Policy Act.

According to King, the EIS does not collect additional data but formally shares it with other government agencies for input. 

King said that the Environmental Protection Agency informally reviewed the draft document and provided comments but did not request a formal review via an EIS. The authority and their contractors also solicited Connecticut DEEP and the Army Corps of Engineers throughout the drafting process.

“As far as we know, the FAA determined that the [environmental assessment] was still well within the FAA’s scope under the guidelines set forth by the EPA. The formal determination is forthcoming from the FAA, called a Finding of No Significant Impact and Record of Decision,” King said. 

Save the Sound does not have an official stance on airport expansion. Reynolds explained that some infrastructure developments cannot be avoided — which could be the case for Tweed — but that the organization would assess the document and “move appropriately” in the event of a FONSI. However, he said that the current environmental assessment is insufficient.

For East Haven activists, a FONSI would not be the end.

“I think the landscape is big, and the education is down low right now,” Venegas said. “We need to elevate, and we need to make sure that we motivate people that this is not the end of the road and that there’s different ways of addressing your issue.”

Venegas suggested that community members could propose increased sustainability measures to the airport, participate in airport zoning decisions and conduct public health research projects in the area.

For now, though, many residents are still waiting.

[pullquote credit=”Kenneth Dagliere” align=”full”]We’re in limbo. And it’s just very frustrating,[/pullquote]

Tweed airport is named after John H. Tweed, who managed the site for 30 years.

Correction, Nov. 11: A previous version of this article included a comment that King did not make on the record. The article was also updated to correct seven errors in the transcription of King’s comments that are included in the article.

Correction, Feb. 14: The article was updated for a misspelling of Senator Christine Cohen’s name.

Update, Feb. 14: The article was updated to clarify that New Haven was identified as the “second-largest” market, not the largest.

Update, Feb. 14: The article was updated to clarify that New Haven had access to airports, but not cheap flights.

“Compounding” pandemics: Among Black and Latino New Haveners, fatal overdoses skyrocket during COVID-19

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New Haven resident Richard Youins has been clean since 2010. 

After battling drug addiction for over two decades, he now serves as a peer mentor for others struggling with substance use disorder, often working directly with his neighbors and friends of friends as they navigate recovery. Because of the nature of his work and his personal experiences, he is no stranger to the horrors that substance use disorder can wreak on the lives of individuals and families, especially in communities of color like his own. 

At the same time, the drugs on the street today are different than they were when he battled addiction decades ago. More people are dying of overdoses, too.

“I find myself wondering when this shit is gonna end,” Youins said. “I don’t even do funerals no more, because I’ve been to so many.”

During the COVID-19 pandemic, people across the country grappled with reduced access to in-person health care, deteriorating mental and physical health and deepening racial inequities across society. With the rise of the deadly synthetic opioid fentanyl, overdoses skyrocketed across the board. But for Black and Latino people both in New Haven and throughout the country, the rise in deaths was even steeper.

Two months ago, Youins lost a longtime friend to a fatal drug overdose. He told the News that as a Black man in recovery, he carries the harsh realities of the rising overdoses in his community with him every day, often worrying whether a given conversation with a friend will be their last.

As a peer recovery mentor, he said he is also acutely aware of the social and structural barriers to treatment that have prevented people of color from getting the help they need, both historically and in the present. He feels exhausted as social services and programs in the community, often run by white people, fail to connect with people like his neighbors and family members. These inequities have exacerbated the racial disparities in overdoses, making the risk of dying even higher for Black and Latino people who have long been overlooked in conversations about the opioid crisis.

“It’s funny that the pandemic brought this to the forefront,” Youins said. “It’s been happening all along. It’s just that all of a sudden now, the white media and the white community are recognizing it.”

Deadlier drugs, rising overdoses and escalating disparities

In 2013, a potent new street drug hit the illicit substance trade, eventually flooding the national market. Fentanyl, a synthetic opioid primarily used to treat cancer patients, was easy to illegally manufacture and sold for a cheap price. It was also about 50 times more powerful than heroin, making it more profitable to drug traffickers.

Since fentanyl and its analogs are highly addictive, manufacturers often “lace’” its active ingredients into counterfeit opioids and substances like cocaine to boost buyers’ dependency.

“Prior to 2013, if law enforcement took samples of drugs off the street and they tested cocaine or crack or heroin, which was the primary opioid back then, they would find cocaine or crack or heroin,” said state drug intelligence officer Bobby Lawlor. “When we test a sample of opioids on the street today, what we see is that there’s fentanyl in there; there are fentanyl analogs in there; there’s Tramadol in there; And a lot of times, there’s also xylazine, which is an animal sedative, in there.”

Even tiny amounts of fentanyl added to powders, injectables and pills cost lives. The Drug Enforcement Agency estimates that three milligrams of fentanyl can potentially kill an average-sized adult male. Datahaven researcher Kelly Davila told the News that in 2012, “close to zero percent” of overdose deaths in New Haven and surrounding communities involved fentanyl. Eight years later, the drug was involved in about 84 percent of regional overdose deaths

According to a 2021 Datahaven study led by Davila, most overdose survivors in the region seemed to be unaware that fentanyl likely played a role in their overdoses. Only 6 percent of survivors surveyed stated they knew they had consumed the drug. New Haven resident Isabelle Firine, whose brother Cameron had long battled addiction before dying due to an overdose, told the News that her brother purchased what he believed were oxycontin pills in 2019. The one he took was pure fentanyl.

“He was dead before he even hit the ground,” Firine said.

Like other urban areas across the country, New Haven has grappled with far higher overdose rates compared to that of the nation as a whole. A March 2023 report produced by DataHaven, which collects statistics to report on regional wellbeing and equity, estimated the Elm City’s 2020-2021 overdose fatality rate to be 445 deaths per one million residents — over double that of the state of Connecticut and 67 percent greater than that of the country.

At the start of 2012, according to Datahaven’s 2023 Community Wellbeing Index, the rates of drug overdose deaths among Greater New Haven’s Black, Latino and white populations were nearly the same. Fatality rates among all groups rose throughout the rest of the decade after fentanyl was introduced, with deaths among white people often remaining higher. However, starting in late 2019 to early 2020, when fatal overdoses surged even higher across the board, the local Black community’s death rate rose at double the speed of that of white people.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Although drug overdose deaths rose throughout the Greater New Haven region in general, fatality rates for Black and Latino residents eclipsed those of white residents during the pandemic.” credit=”Courtesy of DataHaven” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_mv_CourtesyOfDataHaven.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

In 2022, 133 people died of drug overdoses in the city of New Haven. 56 of the fatal overdose victims were Black, 31 were Hispanic and 45 were white. This breakdown shows deaths are skewed across the city’s ethnic communities: Black New Haveners make up about 33.9 percent of the city’s total population, but they comprised about 42 percent of the lives lost to overdoses that year.

Hurting communities and barriers to treatment

The News spoke to local addiction treatment experts and care workers who presented several social health determinants as explanations for the racial disparities in overdoses. 

Traci Norman, a program manager of Yale’s Addiction Treatment in the Black Community study, connected the disparities to other challenges that disproportionately affected Black people during and beyond the pandemic, including higher rates of underlying health issues, worsening mental health and civil unrest in response to structural racism and police brutality.

“Racism isn’t new… but seeing it in your face, seeing people getting murdered, hearing people being disproportionately impacted by COVID. And not knowing what’s going to happen tomorrow,” Norman said. “I think all of that compounding on one another definitely led to a lot of increased substance use, as well as relapses for some people, too.”

Former University chaplain Rev. Dr. Frederick J. Streets DIV ’75,  who works to support people of color in New Haven through addiction recovery, also emphasized an “explosion of racial animosity,” as well as the acute phase of the pandemic and political polarization, as stressors and sources of anxiety. These unique pressures and fears, Streets said, made many people turn toward self-medication. 

Depression, anxiety and other mental health problems surged across demographic groups during the pandemic. However, this rise did not impact all ethnic groups equally: according to the Datahaven report, Black and Latino individuals were 2.3 times and 1.6 times more likely to report feeling depressed than white people were, respectively.

“If you’re a person struggling with mental health or substance use history, now you’re isolated,” said treatment care worker Sylvia Cooper. “People are feeling like, ‘Am I gonna die? I have substance use, and I have health issues — it’s coming for me.’ So it really creates a hysteria of ‘what else is there left to do?’”

Beyond mental health stressors, physical health issues that disproportionately affect people of color were also exacerbated by the pandemic. COVID-19’s mortality rate among Black individuals was over double that of white people in the Greater New Haven region, according to the 2023 Datahaven report. Norman added that even though people of all racial backgrounds consume drugs and alcohol at similar rates, racial disparities regarding the incidence of other health complications caused a higher risk of overdose deaths for people of color.

“We typically have greater health challenges and health occurrences, underlying things such as hypertension rates, high cholesterol and diabetes, that also play a role in why we face greater mortality in regards to substances,” Norman explained. “I personally saw how black people were being disproportionately impacted by COVID-19.”

Local minority communities often see a lack of access to treatment services, especially as they face higher levels of economic inequality compared to white people. 

Assistant Professor of Psychiatry at the Yale School of Medicine Fabiola Arbelo Cruz said that barriers to care include a lack of physical proximity or transportation to treatment centers, high insurance costs, daily financial pressures and social stigma.

“If someone’s unemployed and with unstable housing, you give an appointment for a follow-up,” Arbelo Cruz explained. “But meeting the basic need of going to work and getting money might be a reason for them missing an appointment.”

Arbelo Cruz added that bed closures, long waitlists, limited walk-in appointments and reduced group therapy options also cut access to in-person addiction treatment centers. As these centers implemented social distancing regulations to protect patients from the spread of COVID-19, many of those struggling with substance use disorder — especially those who already faced barriers to in-person care —  also had issues accessing telehealth services. 

In a statement to the News, YSM Professor of Psychiatry Chyrell Bellamy also noted that Black and Latino people have less access to medication-assisted treatment for substance use disorder, which includes methadone and buprenorphine treatments that relieve withdrawal symptoms. 

According to one study conducted by JAMA Psychiatry, Black and Latino patients also tend to be prescribed MAT for shorter durations than white people do. Receiving MAT for an appropriate duration is often vital in patients’ survival — studies have shown that these medications may cut the overdose death rate in half among those struggling with opioid addictions, and receiving at least six months of treatment is associated with better recovery outcomes.

“We now have a very good treatment strategy for opioid use,”  Mark Costa, associate research scientist in psychiatry at the School of Medicine, told the News. “We have medication that is very helpful … But the way we offer these treatments is not impacting the Black and Latino community how it’s impacted the white community.”

The legacy of discrimination in clinical mental health and addiction treatment

Racial discrimination in the health care system has already long discouraged those of minority backgrounds from seeking treatment for substance use disorders, according to experts who spoke to the News. Datahaven’s 2023 CWI supports such claims — compared to 3 percent of white residents, 7 percent of Latino residents and 16 percent of Black residents in Greater New Haven reported that they had been discriminated against in the health care system. 

For Bridgett Williamson, who formerly battled substance use disorder and now works with those in recovery, the issue of racial discrimination and abuse in addiction treatment hits close to home. When she received methadone to treat her drug addiction in the 1980s and early 1990s, treatment workers said that one of her urine samples tested positive for drugs, even though Williamson maintains she did not consume any substances. She received an ultimatum from the criminal courts: be admitted to the state’s in-patient mental health treatment facility or go to prison for five years. 

When she entered the facility, staff members exerted control over what she could and couldn’t do. For instance, although they allowed white patients to step outside to smoke cigarettes or make trips to the store, they barred Williamson and other Black patients from doing the same. They told her they were afraid she wanted to step outside to purchase drugs, but they never raised this concern with the white patients — including those who Williamson said actually did bring drugs inside. 

Trapped on the third or fourth floor of the facility for over a month, Williamson’s mental and physical health deteriorated. She said she was forced to stay without any means of escape as she endured experiences that still traumatize her three decades later, including witnessing other patients harm themselves, finding mice in her bed and having her health and safety concerns constantly ignored by staff and doctors. 

“Caring and controlling is two different things,” Williamson said. “Do you think I trust the hospital? Hell no, I don’t even go. So that’s how they treat us people of color.”

Streets named a long history of suspicion toward traditional clinical care models among minorities that persists through the current crisis. Oftentimes, he told the News, people of color seeking help are cast as criminals and treated as “people who are problems” instead of people experiencing problems. 

Over 30 years after Williamson’s experience in the state facility, the state’s Department of Mental Health and Addiction services boasts a Health Disparities Initiative on its website. The page raises questions about a “culturally competent system of care” and asks readers to reflect on steps the Department has taken “toward developing culturally relevant programming.” 

At the same time, state mental health facilities collectively employ 70 police officers, many of whom show up to work armed. By having armed police officers on their premises, state mental health and addiction treatment centers may heighten the fear of seeking help among Black and Latino people in Greater New Haven, who were far more likely to report experiencing discrimination at the hands of the police in the Datahaven CWI. Only 45 percent of Black and 54 percent of Latino residents of Greater New Haven reported that they approved of the local police, as opposed to 76 percent of white residents. And although Black residents make up 16 percent of residents in Greater New Haven, they comprised 45 percent of drivers who were searched by police from 2018-2020.

The presence of police may also discourage people who have had previous experiences with the criminal justice system, Costa noted. The Yale-affiliated Connecticut Mental Health Center in New Haven, where Williamson was mandated to go decades ago, currently hosts a team of armed cops and features metal detectors at its entrance. 

Streets stressed that existing clinical models must prioritize hospitality toward minority patients in order to truly make them feel comfortable enough to receive medical care during a crisis. Clinical models, others added, must also become more accessible to all people struggling with addiction regardless of race or class.

“Here’s the dilemma: as you work and encourage people not to feel bad about feeling bad, not feeling bad about needing help, what happens when a person goes to a system that then treats them inhumane?’” Streets said. “It’s a catch-22.” 

Ethnic churches, multidimensional treatment and peer support

After coming to Connecticut for treatment, Bellamy’s cousin died from an overdose in August 2022. Bellamy told the News that she, her colleagues and other community members are motivated to work on “culturally responsive” treatment efforts because of their life experiences.

“​​I do the work because as a professor and as a person with my own lived experiences, we are all on a recovery journey either personally or with family, friends, neighbors, roommates, classmates, co-workers and colleagues,” Bellamy wrote to the News. “I know far too many people that hide their use of drugs because of the shame and fear of reaching out.”

Bellamy serves as the director of the Yale Program for Recovery and Health, or PRCH, which aims to foster inclusion and trust through culturally responsive approaches to care. These efforts often center around building connections between people in recovery and peer mentors of their own backgrounds who have been in recovery themselves. 

Williamson and Youins, who both work with PRCH, said their personal experiences with addiction drive their need to give back to others in the community through one-on-one mentoring. Williamson shared that sharing her experiences of substance use disorder and trauma helps demonstrate the realities of addiction in the long term, motivating people to continue recovery. It also helps combat the shame and stigma around substance use disorder on a more personal level, she said. 

“I stayed in the streets, I stayed in crackhouses, so this is why it’s so easy for me to let a person know that you don’t have to be ashamed for where you’ve been,” Williamson said. “I don’t care what you did three minutes ago. How can we move forward today, right now?”

Youins emphasized the importance of receiving care from people who “look like you,” especially as treatment and addiction recovery outreach efforts have often been led by white people “who have no connections in the community” and do not understand the social factors that influence substance use. He stressed that Black leadership has been crucial to bolstering recovery efforts in his community.

Created in 2017 by Bellamy and Assistant Professor Adjunct of Psychiatry Ayana Jordan, the Imani breakthrough project study was specifically designed to target people of color looking for recovery, though treatment for substance use is open to all. Using Black and Latino churches in the state, providers and care coordinators have tried to create a comfortable faith-based treatment environment while still being “non-proselytizing,” according to Streets, who helped facilitate the program at the Dixwell Avenue Congregational United Church of Christ.

“It’s a natural outgrowth of faith communities, as a matter of the basic principle and ethics of supporting the neighbor and assisting those who are more vulnerable,” Streets said. “It’s a public health approach, which combines the whole notion of empathy and an appreciation for our struggle as human beings.”

Dixwell UCC also promotes other community-centered approaches to combating the rise of substance use disorder and overdoses. The church has worked to educate congregation members about the the nature of substance use and the signs of potential suicide, as well as hosting trainings on administering Narcan and other harm reduction methods. Some congregation members have also stepped up to help lead the meditation sessions for those in addiction recovery through the Imani program.

“Those same people are advocates with their own families and in the wider community,” Streets observed. “If you replicate that by hundreds of churches or organizations throughout the community, you… advocate for a better atmosphere in which treatment can be offered and addiction could be understood.”

Gayle Brown began recovery treatment with Imani when she ran into a few counselors at Varick Memorial A.M.E. Zion Church about five years ago, right across the street from the Dixwell UCC. After the counselors asked her whether she knew anyone who had experienced substance use disorder, abuse, poverty or other hardship who would be interested in participating in a paid study, she boarded the bus and began spreading the word. Soon enough, she and dozens of other local residents gathered in Varick Memorial’s basement for their first session.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Shellina Toure, left, and Jeanette Reynolds show some of the Imani program materials they use at Varick Memorial A.M.E. Zion Church.” credit=”Megan Vaz, Contributing Photographer” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_mv_MeganVaz_ContributingPhotographer_02-scaled.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

Cohorts of patients have gathered to receive weekly treatment through education on the harms of substances and racial disparities in overdoses, computer-based cognitive behavioral therapy, group support, a clinical treatment program staffed with doctors, one-on-one wellness coaching and self-reflection exercises. 

Shellina Toure, who currently facilitates the program at Varick Memorial with Sylvia Cooper, said that the self-reflection activities that happen during sessions are “intense.” Her facilitator training, which featured the same mindfulness strategies as the treatment sessions, had such a strong impact on her that it brought back her memories of almost becoming addicted to painkillers.

The church setting and group component, which Toure said becomes more comfortable as people build relationships over the course of several weeks, can help combat much of the distrust associated with traditional addiction treatment in hospitals. The room used for treatment also features a “Comfort Zone Agreement” on the wall, which Toure said instills ground rules and a culture of mutual respect during sessions. 

Sessions, Brown said, prioritize seeing one’s own experiences through the lives of others and understanding why they experience substance use disorder. As she continued to engage in self-reflection and open dialogue with others, Brown unearthed experiences from her traumatic childhood and her family’s history of addiction, reckoning with their influence on her life in the present.

“All of the people that was in this one program at that one time — I could fit into each one their shoes,” Brown said. “I’ve been through it, mentally abused, physically abused, sex abused. After all these many years, it started bringing up my childhood, what happened to me.”

The program also directly targets the social determinants that put minorities at a higher risk for fatal overdoses, aiming to provide people with basic needs to eliminate barriers to treatment access. Toure said she has personally helped patients find emergency housing, look for rental assistance programs, earn their high school diplomas and get their driver’s licenses.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Gayle Brown began attending recovery treatment at Varick Memorial A.M.E. Zion Church about five years ago.” credit=”Megan Vaz, Contributing Photographer” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_mv_MeganVaz_ContributingPhotographer_03.jpg” ALIGN=”right”]

Brown said that most people in the program are doing better now than they were when they first entered it. The program, she confirmed, has connected people with jobs at Yale and other employers, housing and financial help — setting them up for long-term wellness.

The Varick Memorial facilitators and Arbelo Cruz, who works as a provider in Latino churches hosting the program, added that the Imani program is especially effective at keeping patients in treatment because it does not impose specific goals onto them. For many, Arbelo Cruz attested, a move in the right direction might look like reducing use from eight bags of heroin per day to two, or going from three bottles of wine per day to one. There is no “friction” between what the patient wants and what the provider wants.

Brown attested to this, recalling “life-death situations” like the time where one of her fellow cohort members overdosed during a session. Immediately, the rest of the group sprang into action, calling emergency services and watching as responders “brought him back to life” with Narcan. They quickly welcomed him back with open arms.

“When one of the guys fell out with the fentanyl and came to us, we cried and we told him, ‘you slipped, but you get back up,’” Brown said.

Varick Memorial is located at 242 Dixwell Ave.

UP CLOSE | Pressure to project growth

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Gabriella Gutierrez ’23 has just completed her senior thesis — a research project exploring behavior in different subtypes of schizophrenia — and is rapidly approaching commencement, when she will officially receive her Yale College degree in psychology.

About four and a half years ago, Gutierrez’s life looked very different. Then a high school senior in California, she wrote her Common Application essay about an intense “mental battle” that she experienced that year while playing competitive tennis.

During one particular championship match, the team’s first-ranked singles player chose to compete in the doubles round. Gutierrez — then the second-ranked singles player — had to fill her shoes, amounting to a “deeply stressful mental battle” as Gutierrez fought with herself to be able to perform. In the essay, Gutierrez called this moment a “turning point” in her mental health, noting that this one match marked tremendous personal growth for her.

Gutierrez is part of a growing pool of high school students who write their college essays about suffering through and overcoming mental health struggles, in an effort to craft personal testimonials that speak to strength of character. 

“There is a lot of pressure to write an admissions essay that [shows] you’ve grown from a certain experience, that you have finished growing, and you learn some big life lesson from it,” Gutierrez, who now is an advocate with the Yale Student Mental Health Association, told the News. “But the issue with mental health is that it’s reoccurring. It’s something that doesn’t go away.”

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Highly selective universities like Yale consider an applicant’s potential to succeed within the college community. The Yale Office of Undergraduate Admissions states on its website that they seek out “students who will make the most of Yale and the most of their talents” and that they consider how a prospective Yalie would, if admitted, “engage the resources” that the University has to offer.

This framework of potential success at the University is further complicated by the persistent nature of mental illness that Gutierrez notes. For students with chronic mental health conditions, or whose past experiences may have yielded permanent psychological consequences, the question of what to disclose or not disclose in a college application is a complex one, as they seek to find the mix of poignant and palatable that will make an application successful.

Yale’s admissions office told the News that it does not discriminate against applications on the basis of any kind of health condition, including mental illness. In fact, Dean of Undergraduate Admissions and Financial Aid Jeremiah Quinlan wrote in a statement that an applicant’s choice to share details about any sort of health issue can provide further insight on challenging circumstances that a student has had to navigate. 

“In some instances, [these insights] can provide helpful context for reviewing other parts of the application, such as the transcript or activities list, but the admissions office does not advise students to either disclose or conceal personal health information in their applications,” Quinlan said. “That choice lies with each applicant and their own understanding of how they would like to present their candidacy to the admissions committee.”

But making that decision is exactly what can be challenging. 

Independent college counselor Christine Chu ’01, who was a Yale admissions officer from 2001 to 2003 and now works for New York-based educational consulting firm IvyWise, told the News that the students she advises are often concerned with how disclosures about mental health will be perceived. 

“How do you want to tell your story to show that you would thrive in a college community, that you can come and take advantage of everything that a school like Yale has to offer and be a contributing member as well?” Chu said. 

What it means to be a “contributing member” of the Yale community

Gutierrez told a story of growth in her college application, looking to show that she could — and ultimately did — arrive at Yale with skills that would enable her to bounce back from periods of mental stress.

But when journalist and software engineer Emi Nietfeld applied to Yale in 2009 as part of the early action program, with an application package that shared sensitive details of homelessness, residential psychiatric treatment and other trauma-related circumstances, she was rejected. 

Nietfeld’s high school guidance counselor called the University and relayed to Nietfeld that it did not look like she had “overcome enough,” Nietfeld told the News.

In the 2009 email from Nietfeld’s high school counselor, which the News obtained a copy of, her counselor wrote specifically that the list of “past issues [was] daunting” and that the readers did not perceive a “sense of reflection or [Nietfeld’s] ‘success story.’” 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Courtesy of Zoe Prinds-Flash” credit=”Emi Nietfeld discussed her experience with homelessness and psychiatric treatment in her Yale application, which was rejected.” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_as_CourtesyOfZoePrinds-Flash_Photo_of_Emi_Nietfeld.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

After removing any mention of her post-traumatic stress disorder, hospitalization and residential treatments, Nietfeld submitted a new application to schools other than Yale in the 2010 regular decision cycle and received vastly different outcomes.

“I really interpreted this as [meaning] that I cannot talk about mental health stuff, like I had to write the parts of my story that are going to look attractive and make me look like an overcomer,” Nietfeld said. “But I cannot mention this mental health stuff, even if I’m saying I’ve overcome it and I have people who can attest to the fact that I’m relatively stable and functioning. It was going to make me too much of a liability. So I ended up cutting every single mention of anything mental health-related, and focused my application on my parents struggles and being in foster care and being homeless.”

Ultimately, with her newly-sanitized application package, Nietfeld was admitted to Harvard University, the University of Pennsylvania and a slew of other highly selective colleges. She went on to matriculate at Harvard and graduated in 2015. 

Yale employs a system of holistic review. Under this model, mental health is — like all other elements of an application package — one factor about an applicant, not their whole story. In his statement to the News, Quinlan wrote that admissions officers review applications from students who disclose information about their mental health status the same way as they review all other applications.  

But the admissions process is a black box. It is impossible to know whether Nietfeld would have definitively gotten into Yale with the same sanitized application that she submitted to Harvard, UPenn and the other selective schools to which she was admitted. Plenty of students submit the same application to similarly selective universities and end up with vastly different verdicts — such is the nature of schools with admissions rates that lie under 5 percent and are continually decreasing.

In Nietfeld’s admissions cycle, 25,869 students applied to Yale. 23,929 were rejected. 

But Nietfeld finds this line of argumentation “convenient” and worries that it may enable “systemic discrimination” against mentally ill applicants to persist, whether at Yale or other college campuses. 

“I do have empathy for admissions officers, and I think it’s a really tough job, and, obviously, most people are not going to get in,” Nietfeld said. “But I also think that mental health impacts people from different backgrounds so differently, and if colleges are not really careful, they will end up unfairly rejecting applicants with fewer advantages since that’s one of [the] ways that mental health manifests.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Admissions officers review applications from students who disclose information about their mental health status the same way as they review all other applications, Dean of Undergraduate Admissions and Financial Aid Jeremiah Quinlan said.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photography Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/stock_campus_TimTai_61.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

What happens after arriving on campus?

Some applicants hope that the decision to disclose or not to disclose their mental health struggles will conclude after receiving an offer of admission — that matriculation will resolve consequences wrought by the pressure to gain admission to a selective university as well as the potential stigmas attached to discussing mental health challenges in their application.

For Gutierrez, this was true. The story she recounted in her college admissions essay was one of genuine growth, and she told the News her mental health has improved tremendously since when she applied to the University. 

“I had full-on gotten screamed at by some of the parents in tennis during my matches, and there was all this pressure in these moments, but eventually, I learned to block it all out,” Gutierrez told the News. “Now, with college, I’m very happy. … Everything that I learned back from that tennis match in high school [made me] really grow as a person and learn how to manage stress and high-pressure situations.”

For Nietfeld, though, matriculating to Harvard came nowhere close to solving her mental health struggles. 

Nietfeld told the News that while she was an undergraduate, she felt “overwhelming” pressure to model a “perfect person” who had not been marred by trauma and mental illness — a pressure intensified by her belief that she would not have been admitted had she told her full story in her application.

“It’s kind of like being asked to lie, or maybe not to lie, but to tell a very, very narrow version of the truth,” Nietfeld said. “And [within] that there’s that message of, ‘You are not acceptable unless you are this healed person or a person who was never sick at all.’”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”“Symptoms”” credit=”Jessai Flores, Illustrations Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/Jessai-Flores-Symptoms-Illustrations-Editor.png” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

At the end of November, mental health advocacy group Elis for Rachael and two current undergraduates sued the University on the basis of alleged discrimination against students with mental illnesses. The plaintiffs argued specifically that Yale’s previous policies around medical withdrawal and reinstatement placed undue burden on mentally ill students, giving them no other choice than to withdraw from the University if faced with a serious bout of mental illness and placing unreasonable requirements on those seeking reinstatement.

Representatives of Eli for Rachael declined to comment due to ongoing legal negotiations

Since the lawsuit was filed, the University updated its reinstatement policies dramatically, changing the title of “medical withdrawal” to “medical leave of absence” to lessen the sense of permanence attached to choosing to take semesters off from school and relaxing the reinstatement requirements. 

While reinstatement policies at the University are handled separately from the general undergraduate admissions process, the themes that underscore class-action lawsuits like the one currently pending against Yale and a similar suit that hit Stanford University in 2018 can reinforce feelings of exclusion or fears of retribution like those that Nietfeld experienced. 

These feelings can bleed into the application process, prompting applicants to further agonize over how to distill their personal experiences into an application portfolio that they can successfully market to selective universities. And they also can make it harder to ask for help upon matriculation.

“I felt like colleges wanted somebody who had been through these bad things, but they didn’t want somebody who had been affected by them,” Nietfeld said. “I tried to get counseling, but I was too afraid to say, ‘Hey, here’s what’s going on for me,’ because I worried that my admission would be rescinded or I was going to get in trouble.”

A Yale-affiliated chaplain with experience in New Haven mental health programs wrote in the email to the News that due to stigma surrounding mental health, she would not advise students to disclose diagnosis of a chronic mental illness — like Nietfeld’s post-traumatic stress disorder — unless they could meaningfully show how they had dealt with the condition.

However, the chaplain added that the context of disclosure changes after matriculation, when seeking help is “one of the many responsibilities of adulthood.”

Nietfeld wishes she had been better able to understand that distinction while an undergraduate.

“I just wish that I had realized that my application was not a promise, that it was not a binding commitment, but it was the way in the door,” Nietfeld said. “And then once I was in college, I could talk about things as freely as I wanted. “

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”The high-intensity environment at Yale and peer institutions can exacerbate mental stressors.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photography Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/stock_campus_TimTai_41.jpeg” link=”” ALIGN=”full”]

The way forward

Nietfeld applied to college in the 2009-2010 cycle, about nine years before Gutierrez would apply and 13 before the incoming first-year class

Last December, she wrote an opinion column for the New York Times about erasing her mental illness from her college application. Nietfeld told the News that she wrote the piece, which includes interviews with 11 other students and several college counselors, in part because she was curious about how much had changed in the admissions process since she was rejected from Yale. 

Her verdict? Not much.

“Even though Gen Z is much more open with discussing mental health, if anything, colleges are more afraid now,” Nietfeld told the News. “And in part, it’s because there aren’t a lot of resources. There’s a nationwide therapist shortage that has made its way onto campus. Colleges generally … [think], ‘If I accept this student, I have to be able to take care of them,’ and, in part, this is what people demand of colleges; it’s their substitute parents. And that can turn into basically discrimination, where they don’t want to take people because they don’t think they’ll be able to meet your needs.”

The college mental health crisis, of course, extends beyond the University. A 2014 survey by the Association for University and College Counseling Center Directors found that about half of students served at college counseling centers around the country had attended counseling for mental health concerns. A 2019 research paper out of Harvard Medical School found that suicide rates are currently at their highest levels in a century, with the adolescent age group particularly at risk. In his State of the Union speech this February, United States President Joe Biden named rising rates of anxiety and depression among teenagers as a top concern for the nation. 

The high-intensity environment that characterizes Yale and peer institutions can further exacerbate mental stressors. 

Emerging research finds that adolescents enrolled at high-achieving schools, such as those in the Ivy League, can suffer significantly higher rates of anxiety, depression, substance abuse and delinquent behaviors — at least two to three times the national average. 

[pullquote credit=”Emi Nietfeld” align=”full”]I felt like colleges wanted somebody who had been through these bad things, but they didn’t want somebody who had been affected by them[/pullquote]

But the impact of the Ivy League on youth mental health comes into play long before matriculation, as the sociocultural value placed on Ivy League admission — and fear of disclosing mental health status in an application — can contribute to stigma around mental illness, Nietfeld noted. 

“In our society as a whole, getting into an Ivy League college is one of the most impressive things that you can do,” she told the News. “So if you obscure your mental health, and you can get into an Ivy League, that is a very powerful incentive, telling you that is the right thing to do. You should not talk about it, you shouldn’t be honest about it.”

Dean of Yale College Pericles Lewis spoke to the News about the general stress that exists within the current culture, especially for young people applying to college.

Low admissions rates, Lewis said, contribute to the problem. 

“One of the things I am looking for is ways to reduce stress and encourage mental health and, more broadly, emotional well-being, and I think we can look at admissions as part of that broader thing,” Lewis said. “Obviously it’s stressful when only 4.35 [percent] of the students are admitted, but maybe taking a little pressure off of that and remind[ing] people that most of the other 95 percent of students will get into excellent colleges somewhere [would] take off some of the pressure related to the whole process.” 

Nietfeld and Gutierrez both agree that the admissions process is not solely to blame for the biases and discrimination that surround mental illness — “the whole world,” Gutierrez said, is stigmatized against mental health.

According to Gutierrez, a long-term solution must lie with broader destigmatization that goes beyond admissions on its own, especially because mental health affects everyone.

“Treatment should not be stigmatized, and it should be accessible,” Gutierrez said. “I think that those are probably the first steps — the major steps, at least — in addressing these types of issues and normalizing discussion around mental health. It’s just something that you experience, something that all of us experience. Everybody, at least once in their life, has experienced some sort of mental health struggle.”

Yale College admitted 2,275 of its 52,250 applicants to the class of 2027. 

UP CLOSE | The “invisible barrier”: Navigating Yale with chronic illness

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Morgan Baker ’22 was diagnosed with COVID-19 in the summer of 2021, after spending a gap year traveling with the Whiffenpoofs.

Once she returned to campus for her senior year, Baker began to experience brain fog and was unable to focus for long periods of time 

“Everything was just hard for no reason,” Baker told the News. 

Facing a myriad of symptoms, Baker spent months being questioned by doctors who discounted her, but she was eventually diagnosed with “post-COVID-19 condition unspecified” — otherwise known as long COVID. 

Baker also received a diagnosis for further conditions often associated with long COVID-19 including dysautonomia and more specifically postural orthostatic tachycardia, or POTS, the most common form of dysautonomia. Dysautonomia involves dysfunction in involuntary nervous system functions, with the primary symptom of POTS being an increased heart rate while standing. These diagnoses came after months of neurologist and cardiologist visits in multiple cities. 

Long COVID though a relatively new chronic illness, affects 11 percent of adults who have been diagnosed with COVID-19.  In addition to dysautonomia, long COVID can result in a variety of conditions including autoimmune diseases and chronic fatigue syndrome. 

According to Akiko Iwasaki, a professor of immunobiology at Yale who researches long COVID, it is part of a group of chronic illnesses known as post acute infection syndromes which have been largely ignored and lack strong diagnostic measures. In addition to dysautonomia, long COVID can come with a host of other chronic health problems including neuropathy, a pain near the skin, and neurocognitive, and even psychiatric conditions.  

Baker’s experience — unable to identify her condition early on, feeling mocked and questioned by doctors and gaslighting herself — speaks to a broader experience of those with chronic illnesses which are often rare or poorly understood. 

Chronic illnesses are the leading cause of death and disability in the United States and are often multi-systemic, spanning different systems of the body and requiring coordinated care — a form of healthcare where specialists across disciplines work together in collaboration, often involving a single point person who works with the specialists. However, given the rising specialization of medicine, it is often hard for those with chronic illnesses to find coordinated care. This difficulty navigating care, coupled with the lack of full scientific understanding of many chronic illnesses, creates a process in which many suffer for years without a diagnosis.  

The News spoke with eight Yale students who have been diagnosed with chronic illnesses, many of whom echoed sentiments like Baker’s. They too described struggling to find answers, often being questioned or discounted by doctors. All of them sought care at Yale Health, but many were forced to find care elsewhere, some even taking medical leave to obtain it. 

Yale is the only Ivy League institution that is a healthcare maintenance organization, rather than a preferred provider organization. This distinction proves critical for many students, but especially those with rare or complex conditions that require highly specialized care across numerous medical areas, as it limits the care students can receive by requiring referrals to all come from Yale Health and limiting where students who are on Yale’s insurance plans can even receive care. 

With this model, not only do students report an inability to find specialized care within the limited care Yale Health offers and difficulty obtaining referrals, but students also expressed concern with a lack of communication across specialties at Yale, making it hard to receive clear diagnoses. 

Megan O’Rourke ’97, the editor of the Yale Review and the author of “The Invisible Kingdom: Navigating Chronic Illness” — a book that explores her own experience with an autoimmune disease and how the medical framework needs to be restructured — emphasized that though there is variance among chronic illnesses, specialized care without coordination cannot work for those with complex chronic illnesses. 

“One thing that people don’t understand is that it’s one thing to be suffering with a disease that is really making you suffer, and it’s totally another to be suffering in a way that is invisible to those around you and that is invalidated,” O’Rourke said. “In my experience, it was the second thing that almost killed me.” 

“The edges of medical knowledge”: The lack of knowledge of chronic illnesses and trust in patients

In December 2022, Baker saw a cardiologist at home in Buffalo while determining if she had POTS. The doctor mocked her and discounted her symptoms, as well as the validity of POTS itself, telling her she was seeking care merely because she “liked being the patient.” 

“‘You’re young,’” Baker said her cardiologist told her. “‘You’re a smart girl. If you read the real literature, there’s not much behind POTS.’” 

She added that the doctor “put POTS in air quotes” when he spoke the name of the condition. 

After telling her that her results for the tilt table test — a test which helps diagnose POTS — were “unremarkable,” he said he understood this was not the news she was looking for. 

However, while the cardiologist pointed to his computer when he described these “unremarkable results,” Baker ended up being positive for neurocardiogenic syncope on the test, an indicator of POTS, which she did not find out until much later when given the results. 

While Baker eventually found a separate cardiologist who formally diagnosed her with POTS, this experience came after Baker had her symptoms dismissed by numerous doctors, including one doctor at Cornell Scott Hill Health Center who Baker said something to the effect of “wait and see” in the winter of her senior year. 

With the doctors Baker saw through Yale New Haven health services who she saw during her senior year, she said it was a more implied “wait and see” where they did not make it seem possible she would remain sick two years later. 

O’Rourke said this questioning and invalidation of symptoms contributed to a feeling of invisibility, and she classified any instance where doctors fail to take the testimony of a patient seriously as an “act of harm.”

This harm, O’Rourke said, often comes from a lack of understanding of chronic conditions, which she believes needs to be solved through reworking of medical curricula and training for general practitioners. 

Since being diagnosed with POTS, Baker has received numerous life-altering medications to treat her symptoms. However, she said her experience navigating care has taught her that she — and others with rare or chronic illnesses — must be informed and “slicker” when heading into a doctor’s office, conducting prior research and essentially diagnosing herself before she walks in the door. 

Dianna Garzon ’24, who transferred to Yale last year, began experiencing symptoms of endometriosis a month before she turned 18. Like Baker, her symptoms were questioned early on. While missing a week of classes at a time in high school due to her pain, Garzon said doctors always initially told her that her symptoms were only cramps, and that she would be fine if she took Tylenol. 

“It’s not only the pain of the episode, but it is so draining, physically and mentally, that I am not functioning for the rest of the week,” Garzon said. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Dianna Garzon was unable to transfer her birth control prescription from home to Yale Health.” credit=”Yash Roy, Contributing Photographer” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_sc_YashRoy_ContributingPhotographer_03-scaled.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

Garzon’s episodes begin with a “moment of panic” at the start of her period, she said. First, she grows lightheaded, then feels an unexplainable level of pain in her lower abdomen, causing her to lose vision — her vision even turned blue at one point — as well as her hearing and the ability to move. 

After finally seeing a gynecologist, Garzon was automatically put on birth control, which she said helped her symptoms initially. After blood tests and ultrasounds with normal results, Garzon said endometriosis was only mentioned when her doctors offered her a medication typically used to treat the condition. 

In April of last year, Garzon ran out of birth control. Attempting to transfer her prescription from home to Yale Health, she was told that would be impossible because of how it would cross state lines. Instead, Garzon called her primary care provider from home to mail her prescription to a pharmacy in New Haven. 

However, the pharmacy in New Haven was unable to fill the prescription, and Garzon, left without medication, watched her symptoms worsen until she finally had to be hospitalized at Yale Health. Although Garzon said she had a positive experience with Yale Health overall, she was once told by a provider at Yale Health that “hormones do not affect anything.” 

In October, Garzon was finally diagnosed with endometriosis while seeing a gynecologist at home. Following her graduation in December, Garzon hopes to get surgical confirmation, as endometriosis requires a laparoscopy for the formal diagnosis. 

The diagnosis also came after Garzon had an explorative laparoscopic and gallbladder surgery in December 2019 to examine her ovaries. However, while her ovaries looked normal in the surgery, the doctor who later diagnosed her with endometriosis confirmed that the condition could impact various parts of the body outside of the ovaries. Because the surgery had normal results, though, her doctors at the time did not express concern that she may have endometriosis. 

O’Rourke emphasized the need to fill these gaps of knowledge and bring awareness of complex chronic illness into every interaction. 

“Medical providers need to start listening to patients, start believing in the testimonies of patients, start being aware of edges of medical knowledge and actually bring that space into the exam room,” O’Rourke said. “Even if a patient doesn’t have clear test results, there’s some awareness that they may indeed have one of these complex chronic illnesses, especially if their symptoms fit into that profile.” 

Despite finding care at home in Rochester and Buffalo, Baker remains concerned about what the care would have looked like if she had continued seeking treatment at Yale. 

“​​I never ended up getting treatment from Yale Health or Yale New Haven [Hospital], because I found it elsewhere first,” Baker said. “I wonder what people are able to access when they really try and dig in.” 

“Recipe for disaster”: Students struggle finding care through Yale Health

Veronika Denner ’24 began experiencing symptoms of endometriosis at age 18. Doctors at Yale and in her home country of Austria told her that her pain was normal, but after three years, it became unbearable, making it difficult for her to focus on anything besides her agony. 

Initially seeking acute care at Yale Health, Denner was met with misunderstanding about her condition. She was initially referred to gastrointestinal and urology specialists due to her urinary and digestive problems, but the specialists ruled out endometriosis because her symptoms were unrelated to her menstrual cycle.

This problem, which Denner attributes to a lack of dialogue between disciplines, is rooted in a misunderstanding that endometriosis only affects the uterus, rather than the whole body. 

Denner’s experience reflects a larger problem in the structure of healthcare overall which particularly impacts those with chronic illnesses, who often face medical issues spanning numerous specialties.

“The current structure we have, in which coordinated care is hard to come by and the patient is often left doing a lot of the work of connecting specialists, really doesn’t work for patients with complex chronic illnesses that impact many systems,” O’Rourke told the News. “They’re the ones left doing all the coordinating. They spend hours or days, weeks, months, years, trying to get their specialists to communicate.”

Denner also explained how the misconceptions she faced among her care providers reflect a gap in education in medical school where doctors are left to educate themselves about overlooked conditions like endometriosis. 

Unable to find care at Yale while facing debilitating pain, Denner went on medical leave in March 2020,  returning home to Austria before coming back to campus this January. 

“I was in so much pain that I couldn’t function at all,” Denner said. “No painkillers were working…Yale did not help me and did not even think I had endometriosis. They just gaslighted me and then I was forced to go back home.”

Denner clarified that while she was not formally kicked out, she was not only unable to find adequate care through Yale Health, but her Head of College also denied her request to get funds for outside care.  

Without care, Denner said she felt as if Yale saw her as a “burden” due to her medical problems. 

“I was in so much pain that I thought I was going to die, and I was in so much pain that I could not focus on classes at all,” Denner said.

Denner went on leave prior to the recent changes in medical leave, leaving her blocked from her NetID account and all email communication from Yale — an experience she described as “dehumanizing.” 

After receiving an inadequate laparoscopy in Austria, Denner had to travel to Romania to receive a formal endometriosis diagnosis. 

“I couldn’t even get help at this University,” Denner said. “I couldn’t even get help in my own country.” 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Veronika Denner had to take medical leave to obtain a diagnosis for endometriosis.” credit=”Yash Roy, Contributing Photographer” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_sc_YashRoy_ContributingPhotographer_02-scaled.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

Given these negative experiences, Denner said she now avoids Yale Health. Until getting care from a specialist in Romania, Denner was questioned by doctors who often seemed to know less than her about her condition — leaving her stuck in a situation where she had to choose between speaking up, which led to facing misogyny and being called arrogant or dramatic, and escalating pain.

“I chose the first option, but it caused a lot of backlash,” Denner said. “For two and half years I chose the latter option [which] was so bad it was unbearable.” 

Arden Parrish ’25, who was diagnosed with Type 1 diabetes at age seven, initially booked an appointment with his assigned primary care provider when he arrived at Yale. However, he soon grew frustrated with the lack of personalized care available through Yale Health and opted to keep most of his care with his medical team at home in Chicago. 

At Yale Health, Parrish’s primary care provider was open about the fact that he may not be able to help him due to his complex medical needs, but offered to refer him to an endocrinologist — a process he said could take a few months. 

“It ended up being kind of a waste of time and also was frustrating because it made me if anything less confident in the system rather than establishing trust,” Parrish said. “It let me know that if I did have a serious problem, I didn’t really have anyone there who would know how to help me.”

Later, when Parrish was hospitalized at Yale Health after contracting a virus which influenced his blood sugar levels, he had to correct care providers who did not understand the mechanics of Type 1 diabetes, confusing it with Type 2 diabetes. At Yale Health, doctors automatically assumed his blood sugar was high, insisting on ketone testing which he knew he did not need based on his blood sugar levels which were within his normal range. 

Given these experiences, Parrish explained there have been multiple times he should have gone to acute care when dealing with bad blood sugar or a fibroid flare up, but usually attempts to“wait it out” and not go to Yale Health, rather than go through the exhausting process of self advocacy he anticipated. 

“It doesn’t feel worth it and it almost feels a little scary putting my health in the hands of people who don’t know me and don’t necessarily have the time or the inclination to learn everything about my health,” Parrish said.

Parrish’s experience of not being able to find specialized care at Yale Health is not an isolated one. 

In conversations with the News, students with chronic illnesses expressed frustration with the limited care offered through Yale Health and the roadblocks to getting referrals. These limits disproportionately impact students with chronic illnesses, particularly those who do not have private insurance — a problem felt especially by first-generation, low-income students and graduate students without their own private insurance.

As a healthcare maintenance organization, or HMO, Yale runs on a structure which offers a local network of doctors or hospitals and requires a primary care provider at Yale Health to coordinate care. The alternative, a preferred provider organization, or PPO, allows for out-of-network coverage, but often has greater costs. 

At Yale, all students receive Basic Student Health services, which covers Student Health, Athletic Medicine, Gynecology, Acute Care, Mental Health and Counseling, Laboratory and Inpatient Nutrition. However, the University also offers a Yale Health’ Hospitalization/Specialty Care Coverage plan which  includes a host of additional benefits. To opt -out of the Hospitalization/Specialty Care Coverage plan, students must show proof of insurance. The cost of this plan, $1,378, is covered for those with full financial aid. 

In a statement to the News,  Yale Health Chief Operating Officer Peter Steere wrote that the students who receive care through Yale Health Hospitalization/Specialty Care Coverage plan receive care and services from over a dozen specialty care areas at Yale Health, but can receive referrals to specialists at Yale Medicine and Yale New Haven Health Systems which includes three acute settings, as well as services referred to by Yale Health. Hospitalization and Specialty Care does provide acute and emergency care when students are away from campus.

Currently, per Yale Health’s statement to the News, 3,227 Yale College students and 6,432 graduate and professional students are currently covered by Yale Health Hospitalization/Specialty Care Coverage.

“The Hospitalization/Specialty Care Coverage plan provides students with access to top-rated Yale providers who offer the best possible care to our students, faculty, and staff. Yale Health’s unique programs and services afford students access to a comprehensive array of specialties,” the statement reads. 

This structure makes it difficult to obtain specialized care, causing many with complex and poorly understood conditions to hit a roadblock in their search for treatment.

Joaquin Lara Midkiff ’23, the former president of Disability Empowerment for Yale, who has numerous diagnosed chronic conditions, told the News these roadblocks reduce the amount of agency students have in their healthcare choices. 

“If I have an emergent health problem that is kind of out of left field for a lot of folks who are practitioners, then I will not be able to get a lot of help from them, but then they’ll refer me to a specialist within the system,” Lara Midkiff said. “Yale has amazing physicians and they have really, really incredible practitioners but there will likely come a point where I will pretty rapidly exhaust the clinician resources that I have relevant to myself as a patient.”

O’Rourke said Yale Health’s coverage through Hospitalization/Specialty Care is “not an option with [her]” because of how it limits her from seeing specialists without layers of referrals.

She added that Yale Health’s system, which many students cannot opt out of, is not set up to support students with complex chronic illnesses. 

“We need to radically reform healthcare and how we think about it,” O’Rourke told the News. “This is absolutely not designed to give those students good care, and I feel really concerned about that because they’re coming to a higher pressure situation that might exacerbate symptoms and find themselves with less access to the long term integrated support they need than ever before, so that is a recipe for disaster.”

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Yale Health’s HMO structure makes it harder for students with chronic illnesses to obtain specialized care.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photography Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_sc_TimTai_PhotographyEditor_02.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

When students cannot find a provider at Yale who can help them and may not be able to afford an external provider, this difficulty seeking care compounds with other difficulties of being a student with disabilities. 

Maddy Corson ’26 was diagnosed with idiopathic subglottic stenosis — a condition that involves the narrowing of the trachea, thus limiting breathing — the day after she was accepted to Yale. This diagnosis came after over two years of doctors not taking Corson’s initial worries seriously. 

After finally finding a specialist who diagnosed her, it was discovered that 70 percent of Corson’s trachea was blocked. 

Arriving at Yale, Corson, who is a staff writer for the News, received Yale Specialty/Hospitalization coverage as a student on full financial aid. Corson hoped to receive a referral from Yale Health to a doctor in Boston who is a specialist on her condition; while at home in Maine, she relies on MaineCare, a Medicaid program that only covers in-state care. 

However, Corson was denied the referral as the specialist was out of network, which her primary care provider at Yale had warned her would happen. While Corson said she considered writing an appeal, she does not know how she could practically do so, especially while dealing with academic stress. 

The lack of coverage eventually led to a “battle” between MaineCare and Yale Health as Corson tried to get one of the systems to cover her specialist in Boston. MaineCare eventually agreed to cover the fees. 

Given that the specialist in Boston is the only who can treat her condition, Corson said she remains concerned by the thought of losing coverage through MaineCare. She said it is a “looming fear” that she will be left to seek care at Yale Health, which has “extremely limited services.”

Additionally, for those with conditions which require a host of specialists, the transition to establish a whole new care team can be difficult in and of itself due to the need for personalized and coordinated care. 

“Because our needs tend to be so individualized, transitioning to a new care team is scary for us,” Parrish said. “Because it took a long time to learn my condition, it takes a doctor a long time to learn to manage my needs.”

However, the HMO model also makes it difficult for students to access care quickly, as it requires a referral from Yale Health to even see doctors at Yale New Haven. 

The limitations and difficulties finding care, though, not only reflect the structure of Yale Health, but also relate to broader limitations on the structures of insurance coverage across state lines and the nature of dealing with poorly understood chronic conditions. 

“It can be overwhelming,” Lara Midkiff told the News. “Yale’s inability to take seriously the transition to a PPO exacerbates and complicates the factors involved in having a disability on campus.” 

Even in a PPO model, Lara Midkiff explained, finding care can become limited by what insurance plans cover across state lines. 

O’Rourke also said it is not up to just Yale to fix these problems, as the lack of access to care comes down to a reimagining of insurance and a complex coordination of medical knowledge. 

“We need a system that doesn’t mean everytime we change jobs, we have a new set of health insurance and that means we need new doctors,” O’Rourke said. “That is why it took me 15 years to get a diagnosis.” 

Garzon, similar to O’Rourke, identified the problems seeking care as not a specific problem of Yale Health but a “global one,” due to the fact that there are only a few doctors in the world who specialize in endometriosis. Therefore, Garzon does not expect anyone at Yale Health to specialize in endometriosis, but said she still feels there should be someone who does. 

Grad students face difficulty accessing specialized care 

The problems with Yale’s HMO model are also exacerbated for graduate students, many of whom are above the age of 26 and cannot remain on a parent’s insurance. 

One first-year medical student, who asked to remain anonymous out of professional concerns, felt sick for the entirety of her sophomore year of college. Yet, she was not diagnosed with Type 1 diabetes until she was sent to the emergency room with diabetic ketoacidosis — a condition that can occur in those with type one whose bodies cannot produce insulin — back at home in Canada. 

“Why did it take me landing [in] the ICU, nearly dying, going through secondary health problems to get a diagnosis?” the student said. 

Type one diabetes, as the student described, was easy to hide in her undergraduate years most of the time, but at points it could become “salient and urgent.” 

She also characterized type one as an “invisible illness” and a “24/7 job” which carries a burden on a daily basis, leading to self doubt, especially as a medical student thinking about what specialties she could go into in the future. 

“I’m constantly chasing a high blood sugar and trying to get it down and then I overcorrect and suddenly have to get a low blood sugar up and it’s cycling on and on and on,” the student said. “That takes time away and energy from things that I have to do or want to do.” 

While she said she has grown accustomed to advocating for herself with Type 1 diabetes, her doctors continued to discount her symptoms. 

If they had done one finger prick test for glucose, she said they would have known her glucose levels were high.

Coming to Yale, the student said she was very confused about the structure of the Yale New Haven Health System as compared to Yale Health. Her doctors from her undergraduate college sent a referral to an endocrinologist at Yale New Haven Hospital, but while adjusting to Yale, she said she needed to see an endocrinologist sooner than the six-month wait time for an appointment at the hospital.

She later received a cost estimate for the appointment, and it was not until then, after having called Yale New Haven Hospital multiple times to obtain an earlier appointment, that she learned that she had to go to Yale Health first in order for the appointment to be covered. 

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Some students have struggled with long wait times to see specialists at Yale New Haven Hospital.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photo Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/ynhh_stock_TimTai_PhotographyEditor_02.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

While the student said her experience at Yale Health has been pleasant overall, she wished she would have access to more specialized care. 

“Sometimes I wish I had the option to play the field a bit more and see if there’s a better fit for me,” the student said. 

The student also added that the restrictions imposed by the HMO model are a larger consideration  for graduate students. 

Starting medical school last fall, the student said her experience of Type 1 diabetes completely changed due to the day-to-day activities involved in being a medical school student, whereas it was easier as an undergraduate to step out of class and take care of her needs. 

“I think it’s super ironic that medicine is ostensibly for the purpose of making people better and keeping people healthy and here we are, seriously damaging our trainees and attendings’ health and well being,” the student said. “It doesn’t matter whether or not you live with a chronic illness. The training and the culture isn’t great for our health.”

Rose Bender ’19 MED ’27, who is diagnosed with hemophilia and ulcerative colitis, recently switched off of her parents’ insurance. Bender said her experience with Yale Health included long wait times and difficulty accessing specialists. 

This year, Bender said this particularly became a problem when she had a flare up of ulcerative colitis in August, which she said often comes with stress or major life changes. 

She was originally referred to a gastrointestinal doctor, or GI, at Yale Health through her primary care provider, but then that GI referred her to a specialist for Crohn’s disease and colitis at Yale New Haven, where she could not get an appointment until January, forcing her to get steroids from her primary care provider. 

“The long wait times were really frustrating,” Bender said. 

“Hoops to jump through”: The search for academic accommodations

Student Accessibility Services, or SAS, is the office at Yale responsible for facilitating individual accommodations, ranging from dietary to housing and academic accommodations. For academic accommodations, depending on a student’s needs, students with SAS accommodations may be able to receive note takers, extended time or breaks during exams, as well as special accommodations for laboratory courses, among others. 

SAS accommodations can be obtained with or without a formal diagnosis, and SAS helps determine which accommodations are appropriate based on initial conversations. 

During her gap year, Baker first saw a nurse practitioner at Cornell Scott-Hill Health Center and received a referral to Yale New Haven Neurology and Cardiology, but she established care at Yale Health once returning from her gap year. The notes given by her primary care physician at Yale Health, Baker said, were essential to receiving accommodations. 

While Baker was able to get SAS accommodations without a formal diagnosis by providing a list of symptoms from her doctors, the only way she thought these accommodations could have been better was if she had applied sooner. 

However, students noted discrepancies among how different professors handle SAS accommodations. 

Parrish receives SAS accommodations that give him extra time on exams and allow him to use a glucose-tracking device during exams, he emphasized that the whim of individual professors creates discrepancies in how accommodations are handled. 

“Just because you have accommodations in place doesn’t mean that they’re always respected,” Parrish said. “There are oftentimes a lot of hoops that we have to jump through.”

These hoops, Parrish explained, include having to go to exams at separate locations or times, as well as having to set up special meetings to get lecture recordings. Parrish described this process of continually asking for help from often-unaccommodating professors as incredibly draining, and he said professors frequently do the bare minimum. 

In one class, Parrish was told that students with SAS accommodations for extra time had to show up one hour early for weekly quizzes. Once, Parrish emailed his professor letting them know he could not make it in time, but the request for an alternative time slot was rejected.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Arden Parrish, who has Type 1 diabetes, was frustrated with his experiences seeking specialized care at Yale Health and receiving accommodations for classes.” credit=”Tim Tai, Photo Editor” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_sc_TimTai_PhotographyEditor_17-scaled.jpg” ALIGN=”full”]

Corson also expressed frustration with a variability amongst professors as to who will be understanding about absences or provide lecture recordings, especially for those without formal accommodations. 

Denner, on the other hand, said she finds SAS accommodations to be “less relevant” for her condition, as chronic pain impacts day-to-day operations, not just during exams. What she hopes to see, Denner said, is a more lenient culture for those with chronic illnesses, while not sacrificing academic rigor or fairness. 

As someone without SAS accommodations, Corson said she wishes that professors could operate in a more standardized way that would alleviate stress and allow her to communicate with professors without disclosing medical information. 

More specifically, Corson said she often has to miss class for doctor’s appointments in Boston, but must continuously communicate this with professors, as there is no standardized policy or mechanism for reporting excused absences other than communicating with professors directly. Dean of Yale College Pericles Lewis confirmed that no such standardized policy exists, as Dean’s Extensions do not apply to excused absences. 

Jordan Colbert, associate director of SAS, wrote to the News that the problem of faculty not being receptive to accommodations is a “rare issue” that is handled by SAS meeting with the student and professor to understand the concerns and collaborate to figure out how to implement their accommodations. Colbert added that SAS also works with the Poorvu Center of Teaching and Learning to proactively support an understanding of disability resources to help professors make their classroom more accessible. 

Yet, O’Rourke, who also serves as a senior lecturer in the English department, emphasized the need for Yale to educate its professors and administrators in order to foster a more understanding environment. 

“Students will need accommodations — not may need them, but will need them — and that’s not a reflection of a student’s work or mind,” O’Rourke said.

“The busy olympics”: The influence of Yale’s productivity culture on accessibility 

In addition to the difficulty of finding care, students with chronic illnesses also described a high-achieving academic culture in which sacrificing your physical and mental needs over your school work is typical. 

“It is Yale, and you have to be on your game 100 percent of the time here,” Parrish told the News. “You have to be focused on whatever it is you’re doing, especially for me as a double major and pre-med. I don’t have time to be giving anything less than my full efforts, and it’s expected here. The baseline is 100 percent.” 

This baseline of 100 percent, for Parrish, is difficult with Type 1 diabetes because his attention is always pulled towards how monitoring he is feeling, taking his insulin doses or worrying about adjusting his pump or glucose monitor — small factors that contribute to feeling isolated in this culture of productivity. 

Similarly, Corson described the academic culture at Yale as one in which students define themselves by their “intense productivity.” 

“That at its core is very problematic and harmful to a lot of folks, especially for people with disabilities,” Corson told the News. 

Garzon echoed the sense that these pressures can be harmful, describing Yale’s culture as the “busy olympics.” She said her pain, which can often arise in high stress situations, makes daily life hard not only physically, but also emotionally. 

“It makes me sad — why can’t I just be out here doing whatever I have to do and not just sitting at home in pain?” Garzon said. 

O’Rourke also said the culture at Yale — and in higher education broadly — needs to become more accessible for those with chronic illnesses. As a society, O’Rourke said we must shift away from unrealistically expecting people to consistently perform at this baseline of 100 percent. 

“We have seen the toll this is taking on our bodies, we have seen the toll this has taken on our climate, it is just an unrealistic model,” O’Rourke said. “It is unsustainable. We need to understand that excellence does not correlate with constant, top-tier performance.”

Corson, on the other hand, spoke to how the culture can be shifted at Yale specifically through a top-down administrative approach that reshapes the narrative of what Yale stands for. 

This “piece-by-piece” process, Corson described, starts by implementing policies that increase accessibility for students. 

“Why I think it is so challenging is because Yale is 300 years old, and how can you reform such a massive institutional legacy that has been set up to define students by productivity while at the same time protecting and managing student health?” Corson said. 

Colbert wrote that the academic culture can have both positive and negative impacts. 

While the drive to appear academically perfect often discourages students from seeking accommodations, Colbert wrote that realizing that peers may be finishing assignments more quickly or absent less frequently may help a student to recognize their own need for accommodations. 

Lewis told the News that students have a tendency to pile too many things on in the midst of academics, extracurricular life and social life. He said he aims to advise students to consistently check in with themselves and always ask for academic support when needed. 

“We try to be appropriately accommodating to people with any kind of illness or family situation, but at the same time, you want to have deadlines and clear deadlines, because, in terms of management of your health and well being, having clarity is sometimes as important as having flexibility,” Lewis said.

While Colbert acknowledged that the pressure to do the most may cause students to push through disability-related barriers, he said that the Yale population has become much more receptive to concepts of accessibility and equality in recent years, citing the growth of affinity groups and accessibility-focused events. 

“Stigma still exists, but from what we see, students are more engaged in advocacy and awareness than

in previous years,” Colbert wrote. “That helps to minimize the academic and social impacts on the decision to seek accommodations.”

Finding community 

When Bender came to Yale in 2015, there was little structure or support for students with disabilities. However, Bender met someone who also had ulcerative colitis, with whom she later became pen pals. Later, Bender, along with Benjamin Nadolsky ’18 and Matthew Smith ’18, founded DEFY. 

“DEFY came from a desire to have a social and advocacy space for students with disabilities and the idea of disability as a culture and an identity,” Bender said. 

Bender said she views the founding of DEFY as a matter of inevitability as the wider culture at Yale had already begun to shift towards being more cognisant of those with disabilities. 

Since the founding of DEFY, both Bender and Lara Midkiff noted the increasingly supportive climate on campus. For example, the number of staff at SAS has increased, and DEFY and SAS have instituted their own peer mentor programs.

[photo headline=”” description=”” caption=”Rose Bender, left, and Benjamin Nadolsky co-founded DEFY in 2016 to help advocate for Yale students with disabilities.” credit=”Courtesy of Rose Bender” src=”https://features.yaledailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/upclose_sc_CourtesyOfRoseBender_02-A-scaled.jpg” ALIGN=”right”]

These communities help provide connection and visibility to counteract the experience of chronic illness which Parrish said was often isolating. 

“Watching the people around me pursuing their passions with the same energy that I want to and feeling at times like I’m the only one who’s being held back by this sort of invisible barrier,” Parrish said. 

Parrish, who serves as a peer liaison for SAS, described dinners with the other peer liaisons where they would eat together and share stories about frustrations with professors.

At the medical school, Bender founded a local chapter of the national organization Medical Students with Disabilities and Chronic Illnesses this past fall, which the anonymous medical student said has helped provide support. 

Before joining the group, the student looked for support by reaching out to SAS and asking if she could talk to anyone who had similar experiences, but was told SAS could not disclose student names due to privacy reasons. 

However, the student said the group has been helpful, bringing in perspectives from different class years and disabilities, which has helped alleviate the isolation of being shut off from support. 

“While I understand that, it can be isolating to just be shut off from any kind of support, which is why we started our Students with Disabilities group to have that kind of knowledge sharing and support group around us,” the student said. 

DEFY was founded in 2016. 

Correction 4/21: A previous version of this article misattributed a statement from Steere to Karen Peart.