THE REVOLUTION OF OUR TIME



THE REVOLUTION OF OUR TIME

Published on May 13, 2020

In the midst of its fight for autonomy, how has protest shaped Hongkongers’ collective identity?

When I was little, my grandmother would teach me old Chinese idioms on afternoons that my dad had to lecture. We’d sit side by side in my airy, wood-paneled apartment — the blue of Hong Kong’s Tolo Harbour flickering on one side and an explosion of greenery on the other. While I must have learnt hundreds, carefully copying out her elegant calligraphy with my childish scrawl, one phrase in particular has always stood out in my head: 獨木不成林. A single tree does not make a forest. Change cannot come with your efforts alone; it relies on the rallying of a community, of countless voices uniting as one.

Today, I am on a college campus far from the one I grew up on and even farther from those serene afternoons. As I write these words, the austere white-tile buildings of my childhood home, the Chinese University of Hong Kong, become a frontline of the city’s fight for democracy — cast to be forever haunted by a shadow of terror. On Nov. 12, riot police brought violence to the campus, and a group of 20-somethings stood valiantly in the line of fire. A new #CUHKMassacre thread emerged on Twitter, filled with videos of thick clouds billowing above the campus mountains, the screams of my peers, and the image of my childhood memory engulfed in flames.

Hana Meihan Davis

After CUHK choked on tear gas and rubber bullets, so did the nearby Polytechnic University. A Washington Post feature described the 10-day bloodshed as “The aftermath of an apocalypse … a Hong Kong campus under siege.” The article was accompanied by a series of images depicting the horror unfolding within the barricaded college walls. The University of Hong Kong became a fortress, protected day and night by its valiant student defenders. Across the city, secondary school students boycotted their classes, shedding their crisp, white uniforms in favour of gas masks and black shirts.

“Young Hong Kongers are fighting to defend the democratic freedoms that were guaranteed on paper by Beijing for fifty years from 1997,” explains Financial Times correspondent Benjamin Bland in his book Generation HK. Hongkongers are asking for the realization of the constitutional rights promised when the Basic Law constitution came into effect nearly 23 years ago. 

When the Sino-British Joint Declaration was drafted in 1984, it bore the guarantee that Hong Kong and China would be governed under a “one country, two systems” principle until 2047. Like me, those on the frontlines of Hong Kong’s revolution are part of what Bland labeled “Generation HK.” On that future date, my peers and I will be in our 40s or 50s — a lifetime ahead of us still. As the children raised to adulthood in the Special Administrative Region (SAR), we are the people with the most to lose if promises aren’t kept.

But my relationship to Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement has always been inherently different to those around me. Like many of my city’s most fearless defenders, I was born on the cusp of a British Hong Kong, seven months after the territory’s handover from the U.K. to mainland China. Because of the political activism of my parents and their friends, I jokingly tell people I was raised on the streets. It was the opening of my Yale application essay, and it continues to be a statement that defines my life: Family dinners were planned around political rallies, weekly dim sum was where ideas became policy, pro-democracy demonstrations punctuate my childhood memories. 

Still, nothing could’ve prepared me for what took over last summer: On June 9, 1 million people marched through Hong Kong’s streets, protesting the proposition of an extradition bill which laid the groundwork for the transfer of fugitives across the border to mainland China. A week later, 1 million doubled to 2. Since then, I have asked myself every day: What changed

As the so-called “summer of discontent” nears its yearlong mark and media attention turns to the pandemic sweeping the world, those whose eyes and ears remain glued have turned their focus to the question of what lies at the heart of the movement. “Hong Kong’s Protests Have Cemented Its Identity” was the title of an Atlantic piece from August. “Hong Kong stares into the abyss amid growing violence: A generation shapes its identity on the anvil of Xi Jinping’s intolerance” was printed in The Economist in November. The extradition bill and the government’s harsh response to its initially peaceful protesters unearthed a question far more fundamental than any policy: It called into question what it means to be from Hong Kong — the very sense of being that galvanized a city of nearly 8 million.

On August 23, two and a half months into the protests, Hongkongers young and old formed a 30-mile human chain across the city — one that culminated in a glow of flashlights at the summit of the symbolic Lion Rock Mountain. Together, Hong Kong’s defenders made a forest: coming together to prevent a future that came 28 years too soon.

***

Once named “Victoria” in the image of her conquering monarch, Hong Kong was born from the 19th-century power struggle between China and the Western powers. When the Qing dynasty lost the first Opium War in 1842, the imperial court was forced to sign Hong Kong Island away to the British Empire. Kowloon and the New Territories were later leased to the U.K. under similar pressure, completing the Hong Kong we recognise today.

On July 1, 1997, after a decade of discussions and a century and a half of colonial rule, Hong Kong was “handed back” to China. This was not something Hongkongers demanded, especially as China’s opening revealed the government’s egregious abuse of human rights. Still, while some Hongkongers emigrated, fearful of what might come, many viewed the change as perhaps hopeful: For a “trial period” of 50 years, liberal values were to flourish under the rule of law. That was the promise, the “unshakeable destiny,” as former governor Chris Patten said in his farewell address: “Hong Kong people were to rule Hong Kong.” 

Maybe, just maybe, the SAR’s influence would work to democratize China too.

When I ask my mother about the 1997 handover, she tells me about the rain. It wasn’t the soft, hesitant drizzle of winter, but the torrential downpour of a midsummer storm. The clouds vehemently opened up, thunder conquering the island’s ancient mountains. The BBC reported that the sky was crying for Hong Kong. Chinese media said that rain had come to wash away the memories of British rule.

My parents, pregnant with me, spent that evening at a counterdemonstration outside the old colonial legislature, where expelled democratic council members had gathered to protest. When they clicked CNN on back home, “China” had been added to the end of Hong Kong’s name.

A journalist once wrote that only in the five-second vacuum after the British flag was lowered and before the Chinese one was raised did he feel the true existence of Hong Kong. While I was not yet born, I cannot help but believe that he was right: Those five seconds were all the sovereignty we’ve ever known.

And if this is true, if Hong Kong is and has always been lost anyway, then our only option is to give this moment of protest everything we’ve got.

That is the promise emerging from Hong Kong’s tear-gassed streets, where young people are threatened with a 10-year “rioting” sentence for practising their constitutional right to protest.

***

Railway stations are color-coded back home, each district fashioned in its own unique hue. Light blue were the walls of the Chinese University of Hong Kong stop, at the campus I grew up calling my own. Green was where I spent my Saturdays, nestled in a painting studio high in Hong Kong’s crowded skyline. Red was where we lived after moving when I was 12, where I’d hang out with my friends after school, and where I cried upon hearing of my acceptance to Yale.

Growing up, I loved to get lost in Hong Kong. I’d pick one corner of the city, and just keep walking, learning the rainbow tapestry that wove my city together. There was never any fear of danger, only a desire to forever imprint the streets of my home to memory.

But on August 11, the red of Taikoo Shing brought tears to my eyes once more as videos of riot police hurling protesters down the escalators flooded the internet. Red punctuated the commotion: the boiling of my rage, the smearing of blood on metal, and the crayon-coloured tiles that backdropped it all. 

Hana Meihan Davis

 Hong Kong is used to the turbulence of typhoons, roiling the city all summer long, but what overtook the city was a tempest unlike anything before. As police violence and government intolerance escalated, it gradually became apparent that the city I know so well was being blown away like rain clouds after a storm. Peeking through the early June clouds down onto the mountains of Hong Kong as I flew to an internship in the U.S., I did not know that I was seeing the city that raised me for the last time. And when I turned my phone off airplane mode nearly 24 hours later, the 1 million people taking to Hong Kong’s streets forever changed the trajectory of our narrative. 

By the end of October, nine suicides were linked to the protests, one woman was blinded by a point-blank shot to her eye, a man was set aflame after arguing with protesters, and countless stories of bloodshed, police brutality, rape and death had contaminated our hearts and minds.

On Nov. 11, a protester was shot in the stomach immediately outside of Shau Kei Wan’s MTR station and adjacent to one of my favourite nighttime food markets, a street corner I frequented on tired Friday nights as a teenager.

On Sunday, Nov. 24, Hong Kong’s district council elections made history: Just under 3 million people voted, a 71.2 percent turnout that gave pro-democracy supporters 17 out of the 18 districts. Hong Kong’s district councillors have little power in politics, but the elections, seen as a trial of support for both Hong Kong’s protesters and government, showed the public’s overwhelming favor. No tear gas was fired that day.

 On Nov. 27, the United States passed the “Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act,” a promise to evaluate the condition of freedom and autonomy in Hong Kong each year. Among other things, the bill will allow the U.S. to suspend Hong Kong’s special trading status and sanction those responsible if “one country, two systems” fails to protect the SAR’s autonomy. In angry retaliation, Beijing says it will sanction U.S.-based non-government organisations, including Human Rights Watch and the National Endowment for Democracy.

On Dec. 15, after the successful elections brought a momentary lull to the violence, Hong Kong’s police once again cracked down on the black-clad protesters who had taken their message to the city’s shopping malls. Once again, videos of officers shoving youngsters to the floor, their faces bloodied and their cries muffled, flooded my social media.

***

The term “Hongkonger” was added to the Oxford English Dictionary in 2014. It is defined as “a native or inhabitant of Hong Kong.” 

For decades, Hong Kong has been gripped by an unshakable sense of displacement: an untethering symptomatic of migration, but one without the physical movement this implies. A legacy of colonialism, of accepting a mass exodus of refugees fleeing Maoist destruction in China, of being a pawn in a tug of war between external powers, has condemned the city and its people to this feeling. Hong Kong has fumbled blindly in this confusion because her people are again and again asked to pick a discrete identity: Chinese or British, local or foreign.

These are binaries, however, that Hongkongers do not, and cannot, fall within.

In the 36 years since the Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed, the SAR has seen a series of peaks and troughs in mass political mobilisation, with people using the streets as their stage for protest. While not all of these protests have been victories, they have been integral to the crystallization of the Hongkonger identity. Shaped by events, sharpened by the passions of resistance, and formed when the fundamentals of our identity are threatened, it is the sense that being from Hong Kong is different to the ethnic Chineseness it implies.

According to Edward Said’s Orientalism, the dichotomy of East and West cannot coexist because they will always be the foil to one another. They are not mutually exclusive, because they construct one another. Hong Kong has long stood at this crossroads between “Western neoliberal globalism and China’s statist authoritarian capitalism,” according to Wilfred Chan in a Dissent Magazine article. But, he argues, despite the international attention on the SAR, Hong Kong is stranded between these disparate hegemonies. “For today’s Hong Kongers, there are no obvious escape routes, no postcolonial models of self-determination, that would set the city free from the grip of Chinese state power,” writes Chan. The undying love Hongkongers express for their home stands in contrast to the narrative pro-Beijing officials try to spin about them: that these “rioters,” brainwashed by the West, are bent on tearing down Hong Kong. To the SAR’s supporters in democracies abroad, Hong Kong is a symbol of the global fight against Chinese authoritarianism.

Being Hong Konger and being Chinese, long complementary, suddenly came to feel exclusive,” wrote New York Times journalist Max Fischer. A poll by the University of Hong Kong in June found that 75 percent of Hong Kong’s 18- to 29-year-olds identified as “Hongkonger” (not “Chinese,” “Chinese in Hong Kong,” or “Hong Konger in China”). Triggered by this year’s loss of freedoms — assembly, thought, movement, expression, safety — it was the highest proportion since identity tracking began in 1997. 52.9 percent of all respondents agreed, an increase from 35.9 percent at the time of the handover. But “Hong Kong’s identity isn’t just based on the rejection of Chinese identity, but on a collective sense of resilience and autonomy and saying no to oppression,” activist Johnson Yeung told The Atlantic. As the values that make Hong Kong distinct from China came under threat, being from Hong Kong came to stand in opposition to being from the mainland. Local scholar Brian C.H. Fong labeled this strengthening identity as the emergence of “one country, two nationalisms” — a reference to the “one country, two systems” guiding principle for rule in the SAR.

And so, in the Hong Kong of 2019, we saw, for the first time, a total revolution: a city digging its heels in, its people raging vehemently against the erosion of freedom and democracy, values that separate Hong Kong from China. The city “[reassembled] an identity out of the refractions and discontinuities” of the present moment, as Said writes in Reflections on Exile. And

the more the government fumbles, the more Beijing tries to shape Hong Kong after its vision, the more this place will rally to author the future.

Hana Meihan Davis

With this assertion of identity, young Hongkongers proved willing to give everything up. According to The Guardian, as of December 5th, 40 percent of the 5,980 arrested protesters were students. Among them, 939 were under the age of 18, with the youngest just 11 years old. In an interview for the same article, Hong Kong Education University sociology professor Stephen Chiu addressed the high-cost actions of the city’s youth, many of whom carry written wills when they go out to protest. As social stability continues to break down along with attacks on the Hongkonger identity, an impassioned resistance has replaced the sense of futility. “It’s a war situation,” said Chiu. “They are willing to die for their homeland. There are many examples in history. Whether you agree or not, there is a higher call and the protesters have a set of values some feel [is] worth dying for.” 

The extradition bill was therefore a uniting force. While the Five Demands of the protesters very clearly delineate the immediate aims of the revolution, this fight is now propelled by the sense that the essence of Hong Kong’s existence is being forcibly ripped away. Hongkongers are trying to save their unique status in the world. We are afraid of Hong Kong being subsumed into mainland China, of it one day becoming indistinguishable from the cities across the border.

***

These days, everything in Hong Kong is political; everything has the potential to deepen the city’s already staggering ideological divide.

For six months, Hongkongers called for Chief Executive Carrie Lam to step down from office, accusing her of leading a puppet government controlled by the leaders of China. Now, the novel COVID-19 outbreak has added an unforeseen twist to the protests, fueling panic and aggravating frustration at the government. In Lam’s initially lax response to the viral outbreak and in her reluctance to close the border with mainland China, she has once again proven her incompetence in the minds of many. Again and again, Lam has been proven to act not in the public interest, but in the interest of Beijing. With the scars of the SARS outbreak in 2003 still fresh in the minds of many, the city’s recent escalation to a public health crisis renders this all the more unforgiving. 

According to the Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute, Lam’s satisfaction ratings are at a record low, as distrust festers over the city’s leadership and China’s iron fist. But with anti-government sentiment soaring, what happened to the protesters that flooded Hong Kong’s streets on a daily basis only a few months ago?

They’re still there. As local democracy activist Joshua Wong posted on Instagram on March 11, “Please don’t give up on us.” In early February, over 7,000 healthcare workers — 10 percent of all medical professionals in Hong Kong — participated in a weeklong strike to demand the closure of borders. This tactic was reminiscent of the 2019 protests, organized by a union born months ago amid the heat of the movement.

And so, Hong Kong’s political turmoil rages on, but a fear of infection spreading in large-scale demonstrations has caused public dissent to take on a new face: Protests are smaller, more targeted, and rely on strikes or flare-ups. 

Unsurprisingly, the government relies on mass arrest as a way of silencing unrest. As The Washington Post published in March, “of the more than 7,300 people arrested since June, one-tenth were detained this year, despite the smaller scale and frequency of protests. Among them are student journalists, civil rights observers, elected officials and medics.” And still, Hong Kong’s most fearless defenders show no signs of backing down. 

On March 31, amid a spike in COVID-19 cases, masked crowds gathered at Prince Edward railway station to commemorate the seven-month anniversary of a violent crackdown in which Hong Kong’s police officers assaulted and pepper-sprayed passengers on the train and platform. Today’s Hongkongers lay wreaths of flowers before the station, solemnly protesting the brutality that left many bleeding and unconscious. In response, police officers applied new social distancing rules to shut down and arrest protesters who gathered in groups larger than four –– the government limit for public gatherings. Several protesters were held to the ground, according to the South China Morning Post.

There is hope on the streets that discontent will continue to simmer, and that the containment of the pandemic will coincide with a renewal of energy on the streets. But beyond that, as much as the protests have relied on physical space in the past, there is hope that the movement is too ingrained into the psyche of Hongkongers local and abroad to be limited by restrictions on public space. As I write this, a movement dubbed “We the Hongkongers” is sweeping across the U.S. The 300,000-plus Hongkongers residing in this country, myself included, are taking to the 2020 United States census: recording our race as “Other Asian: Hongkonger,” and not Chinese. 

So now, as I scroll through social media half a world away from home, my thumbs linger on the images of riot police and gas masks that continue to proliferate. We’ve been saying for months now that this season of discontent is Hong Kong’s last stand, that this is the all-or-nothing moment that will define the future of my home. Is this still true? As government incompetence, police violence, and the coronavirus seem to reign, I find solace in the fact that no amount of arrests and no global pandemic can erase what a politicized generation of Hongkongers learned in 2019. Nothing can wipe away our memories of last season.

The sense of nationalism and unity that 2019 solidified will not be so easily forgotten.

***

Hana Meihan Davis

Under a yellow spotlight on stage in early November, a pianist began to play a tune I immediately recognized. I had been playing it on repeat for weeks, listening to its melody in the times I felt most hopeless about home. Denise Ho, a prominent Hong Kong performer-activist, stepped forward and began to sing. “何以這土地淚再流, 何以令眾人亦憤恨…”

Theater chairs around me clamored as everyone rose to their feet, the man to my left put a hand across his chest, and hundreds of voices rang out, singing “Glory to Hong Kong” — the anthem written on the street that Hong Kong’s pro-democracy fighters have adopted as theirs. Behind me, a sea of flashlights danced to the rhythm of the lyrics. My throat tightened, and tears slowly spilled over the lashes of my eyes.

In the dark of that New York City theater, 8,000 miles from home, I felt something I had never felt before: a sense of connection to a room full of strangers. The song had done that for us. This was our song. And standing there together, united by lyrics and a passion for Hong Kong, we managed to make a forest.

 

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ANALYSIS:
A shifting demographic for storied Yale crew: International athletes elevate the Elis

International rowers increasingly represent the White and Blue, composing about three times as much of Yale’s three varsity rowing teams as they did 10 years ago.

Published on April 24, 2020

At Yale, in the Ivy League and across the country, no college sport maintains as much history as crew.

In 1843, Yale started the first college boat club in America, and on an August day nine years later, the Elis challenged Harvard on the waters of Lake Winnipesaukee in New Hampshire. Their race marked the nation’s first intercollegiate athletic event.

But even for a team with a 177-year history, the game still changes. Over the past decade, all three of Yale’s varsity crew teams — the heavyweight men, the lightweight men and the women — have experienced a demographic shift. Increasingly, international student-athletes are representing the White and Blue, composing about three times more of Yale’s rowing teams as they did 10 years ago.

Although nuanced aspects of each team help account for the international spike, those across the sport — including Yale heavyweight head coach Steve Gladstone, women’s head coach Will Porter and lightweight head coach Andy Card — agreed that rowing tends to be more popular and better supported in countries like Australia, Britain, Germany and New Zealand. Communication between coaches and prospective student-athletes abroad has never been more fluid, and a lack of collegiate rowing options abroad have driven top international talent to Yale and other major programs.

“It’s across college rowing, [but] Yale might get in more,” Penn heavyweight head coach Bryan Volpenhein said. “I think European and international countries have strong rowing programs and a strong rowing culture, and as it becomes more popular, people start to look for ways to continue their rowing. Good rowers are going to look for good programs to go to, and the U.S. has a really strong collegiate system.”

BY THE NUMBERS

Gladstone said he first saw international rowers enter the Ivy League in the late 1980s as the coach at Brown. But the shift has been most significant over the last decade, Gladstone said, especially for the heavyweights. During the 2009–10 school year, international students comprised just over 20 percent of the team. This season, the Yale heavyweights are the most international team on campus — nearly 60 percent of the 2019–20 group hails from countries abroad.

Over the course of the decade, the Yale heavyweight team has also become the most international rowing squad in the Ancient Eight, with Harvard and Princeton falling close behind at 48 and 41.2 percent, respectively. The Crimson heavyweights maintained the greatest international population in 2010 — and nearly every crew in the Ivy League has increased its proportion of international rowers since, including the lightweights and women. Columbia’s crews represent one of the few exceptions.

A little under 10 percent of the Yale lightweight team was international in 2009–10, a figure that has grown to about 25 percent in 2020. The Yale women saw its own proportion of international rowers dip below 10 percent during the 2011–12 school year, but now field a team that is more than 35 percent international.

Heatmap of hometowns of Yale student athletes

At Princeton, the lightweight men’s team is the most geographically diverse in the conference, having undergone a jump in international athletes from under 10 percent in 2010 to 35 percent in 2020. In the league as a whole, Yale has the fourth most international lightweight roster, mere percentage points behind Penn and Brown. For women’s teams at Brown and Dartmouth, which both did not feature a single international rower in 2010, the decade has brought a 10 percentage point increase.

Yale crew accounts for many of the international Elis that make Yale’s student-athlete population more international than Yale College as a whole. 11 percent of the College hails from abroad, according to enrollment statistics from the 2018–19 school year, while about 18 percent of athletes are from countries outside the U.S. Athletes make up just under 22 percent of the international student population, while they only comprise about 13 percent of the overall student population.

Heatmap of hometowns of all Yale students

Data analyzed by the News shows that when compared to the College collectively, the proportion of athletes from a host of foreign countries is at least double the proportion of current students from those same areas: Canada, the U.K., Australia, New Zealand, Germany, Greece, Hong Kong, Italy, South Africa, Switzerland, Israel, Brazil, Croatia, Cyprus, Denmark, Estonia, Iceland, Ireland, Jordan, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria, Romania, Serbia, Spain, The Netherlands, and Ukraine. The same is true for only one U.S. state, Indiana.

Of all Bulldog varsity squads for the 2019-2020 season, the heavyweight crew team has the highest proportion of international students, and lightweight and women’s crew are also above the average among all teams. Just over half of Yale’s varsity teams (16 out of 31) have a higher international proportion of international students than Yale College as a whole.

Beyond the data

HEAVYWEIGHT CREW: THE MOST INTERNATIONAL TEAM AT YALE

Crew has historically dominated much of the sports scene in countries such as Britain, Australia, Germany and New Zealand. With boat clubs in almost every town, these countries are filled with promising talent. Yale heavyweight crew head coach Gladstone said that many aspiring athletes abroad, especially physically mature males, often turn to crew in the absence of sports such as American football and basketball.

“The traditions have been around for a couple hundred years,” Gladstone said. “I think that’s the explanation. In those countries, rowers can start in the sixth or seventh grade. They start when they are very young.”

Massachusetts native and outgoing 2019–20 lightweight captain Brian O’Donnell ’20, on the other hand, did not start rowing until ninth grade. O’Donnell said he often hears about international collegiate rowers starting the sport earlier than most of their American counterparts, though he said that he lacks any concrete evidence.

Penn coach Vorphenhein, a three-time U.S. Olympian and a gold medalist at the 2004 Games in Athens, told the News he had barely heard of rowing before quickly getting hooked in college. A walk-on at Ohio State, which today fields a club men’s team and a varsity women’s team, Volpenhein began crew at school. He added that many young American rowers are now starting to row as early as their European counterparts — around middle school — as well.

The sport continues to mature in the United States. Gladstone — who arrived at Yale to lead the heavyweight program in August 2010 after immensely successful runs at Brown and Cal Berkeley — called the growth in American boat clubs “exponential.” When he arrived at Cal, there was only one high school rowing program at Berkeley High School. Now, at least eight clubs operate in the Bay Area, he said.

The timing of his arrival at Yale and the subsequent spike in international heavyweight rowers is unlikely to be a coincidence. Under Gladstone, who was already considered one of the best coaches in the country upon his start in New Haven, the heavyweights have emerged as one of the foremost programs in the country. In 2017, the squad captured its first ever International Rowing Association (IRA) national championship, and its dominance continued in 2018 and 2019 with two more IRA crowns.

“Steve is a legendary coach,” O’Donnell said. “He’s probably the greatest rowing coach of all time. He’s in the conversation, if not the greatest coach, so he knows how to turn a program [around] and guys know if Steve’s got control of that program it’s gonna be really well-run … he’s gonna get guys from wherever.”

Yale heavyweight crew head coach Steve Gladstone (Yale Athletics)

The strength of Yale’s program — and its institutional prestige — is a key selling point for international recruits. However, the draw for athletes is not simply the allure of standing atop the podium. Yale, along with its peer institutions, offers an experience unavailable to many international athletes in their home countries. Coaches like Card and Gladstone said collegiate rowing programs abroad are minimal. Because education systems typically do not incorporate athletics, crew training and attending a premier university are often mutually exclusive.

“Think of yourself as a student from Sydney,” Gladstone said. “You want to get a good education because you are a good student and you really love rowing. You can do that in the U.S.”

Since Gladstone’s first foray into international recruiting in the 1980s, technology has also revolutionized communication with potential athletes. Rather than paying for expensive long-distance calls, today’s coaches can access data online from competitions like the World Rowing Junior Championships before narrowing their focus to a select group of prospects that align with the athletic and academic goals of the team.

A DIFFERENT LANDSCAPE FOR LIGHTWEIGHT MEN AND THE WOMEN

On the lightweight side, coaches face unique recruiting challenges. The U18 Junior Championships feature no lightweight events, which deprives coaches like Yale’s Card the opportunity to see all of the upcoming talent in a single venue. Without this centralized platform, Card and his assistants must devise alternative ways to seek out the most promising prospects.

“This means trying to find the lighter kid who can make their high school or club heavyweight team … the over-achieving type who, through skill and guile, can compete against bigger clunkier oarsmen and hold their own,” Card said. “It’s a very bespoke system, we really look at each candidate closely.”

Although the lightweight squad has experienced an increase in foreign student athletes, the proportion remains far lower than that for the Yale heavyweights. To explain the discrepancy, Card cited the disproportionate attention placed on heavyweight rowing in foreign countries. However, with increased program publicity via streaming, Card anticipates an uptick in interest in collegiate lightweight rowing among internationals.

Coaches can now access information about high school rowers worldwide with ease, O’Donnell pointed out. With an internet connection, any prospective Eli can navigate to yalebulldogs.com and fill out a recruiting questionnaire with their academic data, rowing information, ergometer score, and more.

“[Compared to] 10, 20 years ago, one of the biggest things is the way the world’s more connected,” O’Donnell said. “You get the ability to even send videos of kids rowing so you can see how well they row in high school. It makes [it] a whole lot easier to communicate and for guys [to] get in contact with Ivy schools.”

Although men’s rowing is the oldest intercollegiate sport in America, it has never been associated with the NCAA. However, in 1996, women’s crew became an NCAA-sanctioned sport to help offset inequitable distribution of athletic scholarships prohibited under Title IX. Outside of the Ivy League, Division I women’s crew programs are currently allowed 20 full scholarships.

Before the NCAA’s decision in ’96, the women’s crew landscape looked very similar to the men’s side now, women’s coach Porter said. The Ivy League, Cal and Washington consistently dominated the national rankings. But after the NCAA allowed for the creation of fully-funded women’s programs, the sport exploded.

With well-supported programs popping up at Power Five conference schools such as Stanford, Texas, Michigan and Ohio State, the women’s recruiting landscape changed dramatically at the end of the century. According to Porter, these programs increasingly turned their attention to top international prospects interested in coming to the United States, a trend that has continued over the past two decades.

“Suddenly, you have a huge number of scholarship opportunities for women,” Porter said. “There just were not enough high school girls rowing in America to fill out all those seats, so a lot of those coaches expanded their searches abroad.”

Despite the recent rise, Porter does not expect the upward trend to continue in the coming years. Outside of slight fluctuations from year to year, Porter said he anticipates that the curve will flatten out around its current level.

“I think we’re up and running now on the women’s side,” Porter said. “Recruiting has expanded so much that there’s really nobody out in the world who’s available and not being identified.”

Others are not necessarily so sure, even though numbers each year might ebb and flow with the quality of rowers in a given class. At Penn, where the proportion of international heavyweight rowers has increased more than threefold since 2014, Vorpenhein believes the trend will continue as long as American collegiate rowing remains an attractive option for international athletes. And as O’Donnell put it, “The world’s only becoming more connected, right?”

Regardless of current or future demographics, Yale coaches have a simple goal in whom they hope to attract to New Haven: the best students and the most talented rowers, no matter where they come from.

“The nature of the sport hasn’t changed one iota in my 50 years,” Gladstone said. “The same mentality, the same work ethic, the same way is there. It doesn’t make any difference where these guys come from. The mentality is the same, and to me, that’s refreshing. It’s not refreshing, it speaks to human nature in these modern times when we talk so much about everyone’s differences. I don’t see it.”

“People often ask, if they’re coming from all over the place, do they bond? You bet they do. And they bond for life.”

About our data analysis

The News conducted a demographic analysis to compare the geographic distribution of the broader Yale student body with that of athletes. The analysis cross references team rosters from the Yale Athletics website with that of locations of the general Yale student population, aggregated at a state and country level to preserve student anonymity and privacy. Students who choose to remove their state or country from the student directory are excluded from the analysis.

UP CLOSE:
Prisons hit by a pandemic

In Connecticut, the COVID-19 crisis has brought the prison healthcare system under even further scrutiny.

Published on April 22, 2020

In January 2017, Patrick Camera complained to the medical staff of Osborn Correctional Institution about ongoing sinus and nasal pain.

During the months that followed, Camera repeatedly visited the medical unit, sometimes multiple times a day, to get Tylenol or Motrin for his bleeding nose. But after a June chest x-ray that did not reveal abnormalities, the staff began turning Camera away. By August, his nosebleeds had twice required a team of people in hazardous material suits to clean up after him.

Only when Camera was taken to a hospital in an ambulance in November 2017, did the doctors discover that Camera had a tumor in his nasopharynx that had grown to the size of a baseball and invaded his eye socket and brain.

In September 2018, almost two years after Camera first notified the medical staff about his health conditions, he filed a lawsuit against his doctors and then-commissioner of the Connecticut Department of Corrections Scott Semple. In the lawsuit, Camera alleged that his doctors suspected he was not telling the truth about his symptoms but was attempting to gain access to pills instead. 

In 2019, less than a year after the lawsuit was filed, Camera died of advanced-stage cancer

Camera’s case is one of many harrowing accusations of medical malfeasance across correctional facilities that have been levelled against the Connecticut Department of Corrections in recent years. 

Until 2018, prison healthcare was managed by Correctional Managed Health Care, a division of the University of Connecticut that was charged with providing care to about 13,400 inmates across Connecticut’s 14 correctional facilities. However, after numerous lawsuits, the CDOC flagged 25 inmate medical cases that had ended tragically — including Camera’s. This resulted in the CDOC terminating its annual $100 million contract with CMHC and taking over its own prison healthcare in 2018.

Still, the CDOC has continued to face claims of inadequate healthcare in the two years since its takeover. Last year, a pregnant 19-year-old at York Correctional Institute filed a lawsuit after her request to see a doctor was denied and she gave birth in the toilet of her cell. In January of this year, an inmate died at Osborn Correctional Institution after hitting his head, and two correctional nurses are on leave pending the result of an internal investigation into his death. The CDOC did not respond to multiple requests for comment for this article.

This year, correctional facilities have been hit by the biggest health crisis in living memory: the COVID-19 pandemic. As of April 21, the CDOC reported that they had seen 303 cases of inmate infection in the state and 222 cases in correctional staff. Earlier this month, the state saw the first inmate death from COVID-19 infection — a man in his 60s with underlying conditions, who died after being hospitalized at the University of Connecticut Health Center. And it is not only inmates who are shouldering the impact of the pandemic — healthcare workers and correctional staff are also struggling due to short staffing and a lack of protective equipment, several such workers said in interviews with the News.  

According to Alicia Schmidt Camacho, chair of Ethnicity, Race & Migration, it is not the pandemic that lies at the heart of concerns about health and safety inside prisons. Instead, the pandemic is laying bare the preexisting problems of mass incarceration that both inmates and correctional workers have been facing for years.

A BREEDING GROUND FOR THE VIRUS

The very nature of correctional facilities makes it almost impossible to follow the mantra of the COVID-19 pandemic: social distancing. The Center for Disease Control and Prevention splashes in bold print on its website that the best way to prevent illness is to avoid exposure to the virus. But in a system that relies on shuttering people within close quarters, evading contact with the virus seems unlikely. 

“Prisons and jails are the single most dangerous place to be during a pandemic,” Brett Davidson, founder and co-director of the Connecticut Bail Fund, told the News. “The spaces are filthy, there is no possibility for social distancing, virtually no access to healthcare and widespread dehumanization and abuse. None of these problems are new, but they are all intensified in a moment like this.” 

According to a lawsuit filed by the American Civil Liberties Union of Connecticut, the close proximity of prisoners create the ideal circumstances for a virus to fester. Common areas such as dayrooms, bathrooms and showers are breeding grounds for COVID-19. Even if a facility goes on lockdown, contact is inevitable — between prisoners and staff, or between prisoners themselves, as a simple cell change or trip to the shower provides opportunities for transmission. 

According to Sean Howard, a correctional officer at the Cheshire Correctional Institution, inmates were still leaving their cells and congregating with each other — playing sports such as basketball and handball outside or playing cards with each other indoors. In addition, Howard said inter-facility transfers were still occurring — last week, an inmate transferred into Cheshire with a fever of 102 degrees.

“Prisons and jails are the single most dangerous place to be during a pandemic.”

—Brett Davidson, founder and co-director of the Connecticut Bail Fund

Prisons across the United States also suffer from overcrowding, as the U.S. has more incarcerated people than any other country in the world, both in absolute numbers and per capita. According to data collected by the American Civil Liberties union, while the country has less than five percent of the world’s population, its prisoners account for a quarter for the global prison population. These numbers indicate that it is difficult, if not impossible, for prisoners to keep six feet of distance from one another — especially where facilities like the Willard-Cybulski Correctional Institution house up to 100 individuals in one dormitory-style room. 

Steve Wales, a correctional officer at Corrigan-Radgowski Correctional Center in Montville, said that while the CDOC had restricted activity, inmates were still “mingling all day” as they lived together in one dorm. Corrigan-Radgowski spread out their inmates from 105 to a room to 60 after the COVID-19 outbreak and implemented guidelines for social distancing, but Wales said that the prison had turned into a hotspot for the disease regardless. 

Another key advisory by the CDC is to continuously wash one’s hands — another great challenge in correctional facilities, according to Matt Post ’22, president of the Yale Undergraduate Prison Project. In order to gain access to soap and other personal hygiene supplies, inmates must purchase them from the prison commissary unless they have less than $5.00 in their account, according to the Friends and Family Handbook for Offenders and Inmates released by the CDOC. A memo sent to the prison population about the commissary on April 6 stated that all soaps were sold at cost. 

“By design, these prisons were not set up to promote public health,” Post told the News. “When you put people in cages, in close quarters next to each other, the end result is people dying unjustly.” 

Hand sanitizer is usually considered contraband in prisons, as its alcohol base can be removed from the gel. Yet even if alcohol-free sanitizers were made readily available, the CDC recommends an alcohol content of at least 60 percent to effectively combat COVID-19. According to the ACLU-CT’s lawsuit, cleaning equipment is also often frequently in short supply or diluted, and the strong cleaning agents — such as bleach — needed for high-touch surfaces like doorknobs and light switches are often unavailable. 

OVERWORKED AND UNDERSTAFFED 

Unions across the state who represent healthcare workers and other correctional staff have been warning the CDOC about understaffing for years. According to a document provided by the CDOC to the legislature’s nonpartisan office of fiscal analysis last March, the department had 309 nurses on staff for 12,320 inmates, and one medical provider — a doctor or physician’s assistant — for every 579 inmates. 

“We’ve been alerting the state for a couple years now that the healthcare staff in prisons is too short,” Pedro Zayas, spokesperson for Connecticut healthcare workers’ union SEIU Healthcare 1199NE, told the News. “You can see that if you look at the overtime numbers even before the crisis began. There’s just not enough frontline staff for each shift.” 

One nurse at Northern Correctional Institution, which currently houses all Connecticut inmates who have tested positive for COVID-19, painted a bleak picture of work conditions. Ellen Durko, who is part of SEIU Healthcare 1199NE, told the News that there were only two nurses on staff every shift to care for the COVID-19 positive inmates at Northern. Northern Correctional Institution could not be reached for comment.

As Northern is part of a cluster of four correctional facilities in the area, Durko said that staff were stretched so thinly that two of the facilities were left “high and dry” without a nurse on night shifts when healthcare personnel were diverted to COVID-19 patients. If there were an emergency in one of those facilities in the middle of the night, Durko explained, there would be nobody on-site to provide immediate care. All nurses are required to work double shifts, she said — 16 hours without relief for meals or breaks. 

“I’m utterly exhausted,” Durko said in an interview with the News. “I was mandated 16 hours twice within the span of four days. Sometimes I feel like I’m going to pass out when we’re doing the assessments.” 

Durko said that she typically engages in an assessment of 60 to 70 inmates on one shift with one other nurse. Her equipment consists of one vital signs machine and one pressure cuff. She wears a disposable gown intended for single use throughout the week, and the strap on her mask is already broken from overuse.

In response to the pandemic, press releases by the CDOC and its commissioner Rollin Cook state that the department has discontinued all social visitation, suspended inmate community work crews and increased cleaning efforts and availability of soaps at facilities. Lawyers are encouraged to make legal calls in place of visits, and nonessential inter-facility transfers have been limited. Staff have also waived the $3 co-pay usually required for medical attention.

“I’m utterly exhausted. I was mandated 16 hours twice within the span of four days. Sometimes I feel like I’m going to pass out when we’re doing the assessments.”

—Ellen Durko, nurse at Northern Correctional Institution

Yet, according to Durko, correctional staff had been left with their “mouths wide open” as the pandemic unfolded and the CDOC remained inert. She said that as the state closed down schools, bars and restaurants in March, prison functions — such as non-essential transfers and work assignments — continued. As the CDOC lacked a “concrete plan,” Durko said, and nobody from the Central Office at the DOC had updated nurses, staff at Northern were told to construct the COVID-19 unit just hours before sick individuals were set to arrive.

In interviews with the News, correctional officers told the same story of a system unprepared for a crisis. Wales, who is the corresponding secretary for the union AFSCME Local 1565 as well as a correctional officer, said that staff at Corrigan had only received N-95 masks last week. According to Wales, this was despite warnings from union members as early as December that the department lacked PPE equipment.

Howard, who is also president of the union AFSCME Local 387, told the News that correctional officers desperately needed personal protective equipment as they came into close contact with inmates daily to perform pat-downs and searches. 

“I worry every day, because not only do I worry for myself, I worry for my fellow co-workers and our families that we’re going home to after we do this job for 8–16 hours,” Howard said. “It’s a dangerous time, and it’s even more dangerous during this COVID time when [the CDOC] isn’t giving us the proper equipment to do our job.” 

Howard said that, like healthcare staff, correctional officers are mandated overtime and becoming increasingly short-staffed as they continue to come down with the virus. 

“TORTURE IS NOT A PUBLIC HEALTH SOLUTION” 

The CDOC announced that all inmates who have tested positive for COVID-19 after April 8 will be transferred to an isolation unit at the Northern Correctional Institution in Somers, Connecticut. Upon testing negative for the virus, the individual would be returned to their original facility. 

Northern is Connecticut’s “supermax” Level 5 security prison. The facility has a capacity of 500 — generally isolation units — and is designed to hold male convicts serving long-term sentences for highly violent crimes. It also housed inmates on death row before Connecticut abolished capital punishment in the state in 2012. 

As of April 17, the CDOC said that 170 COVID-19 positive inmates had been transferred to Northern. If an individual’s situation worsens, the CDOC said, they would be transferred to a hospital.

“Solitary confinement is bad enough on its own, but when you start to have massive numbers of people without adequate planning at a facility that is known for inhumane treatment — you’re going to see incredibly devastating conditions,” Joseph Gaylin, a steering member for the social justice organization Stop Solitary CT, told the News in an interview. “The other problem is that, since they know they’re going to face something akin to solitary confinement, transferring COVID-positive inmates to Northern CI disincentivizes people from self-reporting their symptoms.”

Stop Solitary CT has long been advocating for the closure of Northern and the abolition of solitary confinement. In an open letter to Connecticut Gov. Ned Lamont, the group claimed that “torture is not a public health solution,” and in fact, solitary confinement constituted a public health crisis of its own because of its psychological toll. Studies of prisoners placed in isolation have reported depression, intrusive thoughts or symptoms of psychopathology such as hallucinations and perceptual distortions. 

The Allard K. Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School penned a letter last year to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture, urging the rapporteur to declare that the DOC’s use of prolonged isolation, especially at Northern, constitutes torture under international law.  

In their report, the Lowenstein Clinic collated multiple testimonies of individuals incarcerated at Northern.  The clinic found that the isolation cells at Northern were unsanitary beyond what could be expected in a lower security prison, documenting the use of in-cell restraints and negligence that have led to individuals trapped in cells covered in their own bodily fluids. According to Durko, the CDOC is not letting the COVID-19 positive inmates in Northern shower for the duration of their quarantine. 

“The way that Northern is built is designed to break you down … to make you feel worthless, unwanted and scattered in that building like unwanted remains,” wrote Kezlyn Mendez, an inmate at Northern, in his testimony to the clinic.  “It’s a dump for humans — you can do whatever you want with them. That’s where they dispose what they consider to be trash for the state.” 

However, Durko told the News that she believed the staff at Northern were generally compassionate and cared about the health of their inmates. Durko cited a CERT team — a correctional emergency response team — of officers who had volunteered to work on the frontlines of the crisis, who she said “bent over backwards to do everything they could to make the inmates comfortable.” Durko explained that these officers checked on sick inmates throughout the day and fulfilled requests for materials such as paper and books. She said that this was part of efforts to show inmates that they were supported in overcoming COVID-19. 

“FREE THEM ALL” 

According to Camacho, the nature of a punitive facility means that, in some cases, healthcare staff can have a conflict of interest when providing patient care — especially when doctors are reporting to the prison itself. In addition, she said, for-profit prisons have a motive to restrict and reduce costs. 

“Things like dispensation of medication, access to quality care, checkups, exercise, education, mental health services — all of that gets reduced,” Camacho said. “And as this is a population that’s captive and largely invisible to the larger society, there’s very little accountability around that. So decisions are made, like keeping calorie counts very, very low and restricting access to medicines.” 

A lack of sufficient prison healthcare, combined with the aging prison population in Connecticut, means that many prisoners are among the most vulnerable to COVID-19. The virus is known to most heavily affect older individuals and those who are immunocompromised. 

A coalition of organizations — including the Lowenstein Clinic, Stop Solitary CT and the Connecticut Bail Fund — penned an open letter on March 16 calling on Connecticut Gov. Ned Lamont to release at-risk prisoners throughout the state. 

The letter specified suggestions for pretrial release and post-conviction release. The former concerns individuals who cannot post bail and are imprisoned before they are sentenced; the latter is directed towards individuals who are serving a sentence but are particularly vulnerable to COVID-19 due to their age or health status. 

“There are certain buckets of people where we believe the governor can pretty quickly get people out,” Gaylin said. “There are over 2000 people that have less than a year left on their sentence, and 1600 people in prison for technical violations. There’s over 5000 people who are parole-eligible, and 3000 people that are unsentenced.” 

One group has been lobbying politicians across Connecticut with the broadest call: to free all incarcerated individuals in the state. The Connecticut Bail Fund is demanding full decarceration and a moratorium on the incarceration of any new individuals. 

“In a rapid response manner, we established a prison support hotline, we dramatically grew our commissary fund, and, for the first time in four years, we depleted our bail fund, getting as many people out as possible,” Davidson, co-director and founder of the Bail Fund, told the News. “We are trying to put resources in the hands of families so they can better advocate for their loved ones — both in the courts and on the streets — while also protecting the integrity of our message, which is the total illegitimacy of the system and the need to free all incarcerated people globally.”

The Bail Fund has also spearheaded several protests outside correctional facilities across the state and outside Lamont’s mansion. In order to adhere to social distancing guidelines, organizers have turned out in their cars in “honkathons” in place of traditional protests. In the past two weeks, the Bail Fund has posted videos on Facebook of organizers chanting and leaving their cars outside correctional institutions to wave flags emblazoned with the words “Free Them All.” 

A SLOW RESPONSE 

The ACLU-CT has claimed that over 100 government agencies have mechanisms they can use to legally release prisoners.  Police officers, at their discretion, can choose to serve individuals accused of misdemeanors with written complaints or summons instead of arresting them on the spot. The 13 state’s attorneys and the chief state’s attorney have the power to alter pretrial detention recommendations, modify existing sentences or adjust their own sentencing recommendations. The Board of Pardons and Paroles has independent authority to grant paroles and commutations to people who are incarcerated. For specific offences, such as individuals convicted of certain motor vehicle and drug offences, the DOC could recommend release from facility to homes under electronic monitoring.

Most activists have focused on the CDOC and Gov. Ned Lamont, as the two could use emergency powers to immediately release large swathes of people. 

Following protests outside Lamont’s mansion on April 6 by the activists and families who had members incarcerated, the governor eventually agreed to a meeting to discuss releases. Lamont offered a meeting for April 9, which he rescheduled for days later and eventually cancelled, according to a press release from the Katal Center for Health, Equity, and Justice. Lamont did not respond to a request for comment on this story.

In a press briefing on April 7 with Lamont and CDOC Commissioner Cook, Cook said that the prison population count had dropped by 727 people since March 1 — the largest one-month reduction in Connecticut history. 

Lamont said the releases were largely focused on “low-violence, lowest-risk” individuals while making certain that they had safe places to return to upon release. Cook said he would not release anyone from a correctional facility who did not have a home to return to, but that the CDOC was collaborating with the judicial branch to analyze the pretrial population to determine their eligibility for compassionate and medical parole. 

Both Cook and Lamont have said that they consider criminal justice reform to be a key priority of their tenures. Lamont supported a bill allowing the erasure of criminal records for misdemeanor offenses and has signed laws increasing transparency around police use-of-force instances and data collected on the criminal justice system. 

“Prior to any staff or offender COVID-19 cases, my direction was clear: review all eligible and suitable low-risk offenders for release without circumventing routine protocols that support public safety as swiftly as possible, and add a layer of review that will prioritize offenders considered high-risk per the CDC guidelines,” Cook said at the press briefing. 

However, an analysis by Hearst Connecticut Media indicates that the drop in prison population since March 1 is overwhelmingly the result of fewer new intakes into jails, not large-scale releases of existing prisoners. 

Prisons across the country have planned to release thousands of inmates in accordance with a memo from Attorney General William Barr to increase the use of home confinement and expedite releases of inmates deemed to be at high risk for COVID-19 infection. California announced that it was releasing 3,500 inmates. New Jersey has moved to release up to 1,000 people from county jails. Internationally, Iran has set free over 80,000 inmates and in Poland, up to 12,000.

Yet, it seems that Connecticut has not quite followed suit. 

“I think politically, there’s always a concern that some of those released recommit a crime — a very narrow, self-interested concern that it will hurt [politicians’] political standing and reputation,” Ethnicity, Race, & Migration professor Daniel HoSang told the News in an interview. “But there’s no direct correlation between prison construction and incarcerations rates and episodes of violent harm or offense. You can see that because there are states that have lower incarceration rates with similar demographics and they don’t necessarily have higher rates of crime.” 

However, some staff at correctional facilities told the News that mass releases were not the solution. Howard told the News that he “strongly disagreed” with decarceration, as he believed it would put a strain on public safety. 

Durkos echoed Howard’s sentiment, saying that some of the inmates she saw at Northern would be unable to integrate back into the general population due to mental illness or lack of impulse control. Others, she said, have substance abuse addictions that prison rehabilitation programs might be able to help keep at bay. 

“Our parole officers in the field are already overworked; their caseload is already very heavy,” Wales said. “If we add [mass releases] to them, and then these guys aren’t properly monitored, I think that’s a bad thing for public safety.” 

COMMUNITY AND REFORM

“It’s growing inequality within our society, and New Haven is one of the most economically polarized cities with a large concentration of people who lack basic social and economic support.”

—Alicia Schmidt Camacho, chair of Ethnicity, Race & Migration

In recent weeks, Lamont and Cook have also emphasized the importance of ensuring that anyone who is released from a correctional facility has a solid plan for reentering into society. Releasing inmates during a pandemic is complex: individuals are facing the typical difficulties of integration compounded by a world facing economic instability and mass unemployment. However, activists explained that their demands encapsulate robust reentry support for released individuals.

“We demand and will fight for a world in which all people have access to healthcare, housing, education, income, restorative justice systems and all the basic necessities of life,” Davidson said. “The current lack of housing for people [outside of] prisons and jails is not a reason not to decarcerate. It’s a reason to couple decarceration with massive investment in public resources.” 

According to HoSang, prison has become somewhat of a “catch-all” for social problems over the years: poverty, joblessness, drug abuse and violence. Instead of directly addressing those problems through meaningful social investment — for example, through education, housing or mental health services — society has generally turned towards the punitive route of incarceration. 

“It’s growing inequality within our society, and New Haven is one of the most economically polarized cities with a large concentration of people who lack basic social and economic support,” Camacho said. 

The problems of overworked staff, inadequate healthcare and unsanitary facilities have been voiced by unions, inmates and prison advocacy organizations for decades. While COVID-19 has certainly exacerbated the issues that predated the disease, the pandemic has critically shown that the boundary between correctional facilities and their communities is easily permeated — according to correctional doctor Josiah Rich’s sworn affidavit in the ACLU-CT’s lawsuit against Cook and Lamont. 

Visitors, healthcare staff, correctional officers, contractors and vendors are constantly moving between correctional facilities and the rest of society, Rich said. As public health resources run dry, sick inmates become a concern for everyone as increased COVID-19 infections pose a greater threat of exposure for the general public. According to Rich, as ICU beds and ventilators are already running short, a surge of critically ill inmates transferred to hospitals could overwhelm public health resources. 

Calls for alleviating the immediate pressure on the prison system have included advocating for mass releases or increasing support within correctional facilities, so staff are better equipped to handle outbreaks and prevent community spread. Others have used this as an opportunity to speculate on ways to fundamentally reshape the justice system — for example, by decriminalizing certain activities and investing the money used for mass incarceration into public resources. Looking forward, however, it still remains to be seen whether the COVID-19 pandemic will spark long-term prison reform, or eventually fade from social and legislative agendas once the crisis has passed. 

“I do think there is an opening here to get people to imagine a world where you can be safe and free of harm, which doesn’t rely on just warehousing people,” HoSang said.

(Wikimedia Commons)

UP CLOSE:
COVID-19, homelessness and New Haven’s response

Published on April 21, 2020

“What am I supposed to do?” asked a man at a March 19 COVID-19 press conference on the steps of City Hall. He was one of a half-dozen homeless individuals who interrupted Mayor Justin Elicker’s daily briefing. “Am I supposed to sleep on the Green and if I get sick, infect everybody that I get in contact with? You guys have homes to go to … but we have nowhere to go. We’re [at the] bottom of the barrel right now.”

A day prior, Elicker had announced New Haven’s plans for the city’s homeless population. Those plans — which include a self-isolation site at Hill Regional Career High School for those who test positive for COVID-19 and hotel rooms for those who are asymptomatic or awaiting test results — came to fruition over the next three weeks. But the measures were in the early stages on March 19 and did not solve homeless individuals’ immediate problem: finding a bed for that night. 

While Elicker focused his March 19 remarks on community criticism of his plans for Career, Bryant Tatum, who is experiencing homelessness, pressed the mayor on his plans for homeless individuals who had not tested positive for COVID-19. Elicker acknowledged a shelter capacity issue and pointed to 24 hotel rooms the city had rented. But Tatum was told those rooms were for the elderly, he responded.

When another individual asked where he was supposed to sleep that night, Elicker asked that he attempt to contact a shelter. But that man had tried the shelters, he said. They were full. Elicker promised to talk to him after the briefing.

Homeless individuals — an at-risk population in New Haven even before the COVID-19 pandemic struck the city — are especially vulnerable to a public health crisis for which the main recommendation is “stay at home.” 

Beds are far from the only issue. During the day, those who typically spend time in libraries or coffee shops — in a city where winter temperatures often dip below freezing — are now confined to the street if not placed in a state-contracted hotel room. Elicker closed the Elm City’s public libraries on March 13. Three days later, Gov. Ned Lamont ordered all restaurants, bars, gyms and theaters in the state to shut their doors. 

In addition to finding a shelter, hand-washing — the CDC’s main public health recommendation — becomes near impossible for the homeless population when soup kitchen bathrooms are unavailable as food providers switch to take-away meals. When food providers shared that problem with city officials during a weekly COVID-19 conference call, the city installed port-a-potties on the Green. 

New Haven’s pandemic policies — from port-a-potties to emptying the city’s shelters — have been the result of collaboration at the local and state levels. While some service providers have praised New Haven for a robust and relatively quick response, others have called on the city to do more. 

When the immediate storm passes, the challenges will be far from over. New Haven has more shelter beds than any other city in the region, but still falls short of the city’s need. Those who can find a bed night-to-night struggle to transition to long-term affordable housing — although the pandemic application process has been expedited in some cases. 

And the economic picture is grim. At the beginning of the month, Connecticut processed more unemployment applications in a week than it usually does in a year. Homeless individuals who were poised to have stable income sources — which are essential to finding permanent shelter — have lost those opportunities. Those without job opportunities prior to the pandemic are unlikely to find them as the local economy struggles to rebound. 

Looking ahead at the coming months and even years, service providers, local officials and state leaders will have to address what some predict will be an unprecedented strain on homeless services in the Elm City. 

You guys have homes to go to … but we have nowhere to go. We’re [at the] bottom of the barrel right now.”

Social services in a time of social distancing 

Sunrise Cafe went grab-and-go. Downtown Evening Soup Kitchen shifted part of its operations to delivery. Several smaller pantries shuttered their doors. In a matter of days, New Haven’s entire homeless service apparatus had transformed. 

The process began in mid-March, when Lamont declared a public health emergency in Connecticut on March 10, and Elicker followed suit in the Elm City five days later. These proclamations sparked the beginning of a weeks-long effort to curb the spread of the virus in New Haven’s homeless community. 

Sunrise Cafe, which offers restaurant-style breakfast services, set up a tent on March 12 and plans to continue grab-and-go services for the duration of the pandemic, administrator Art Hunt told the News. Community Soup Kitchen began offering take-out through its dining room backdoor on March 10.

Downtown Evening Soup Kitchen piloted a similar method for the first three weeks of the crisis, Executive Director Steve Werlin said in an interview. DESK has a split operation: hot meals for the homeless and a pantry service for those who have shelter but struggle to put food on the table. Werlin said that DESK hopes to end the service for the homeless by working diligently with city officials to connect those individuals with hotel rooms. He hopes to shift the pantry to delivery to minimize outdoor trips for clients, many of whom are at high-risk for serious cases of COVID-19. 

Most homeless shelters in New Haven have congregate housing, where residents sleep, eat and live in communal spaces. The Elm City’s largest shelter, Columbus House — which houses 101 residents at its main site and 75 at a warming center across the street — immediately changed protocol in an effort to implement social distancing, Chief Development Officer John Brooks told the News.

Initial measures included staggered dinner meals and CDC-recommended screenings upon entry. Water fountains became hand-washing stations; hand-washing became a requirement in the lobby and dining room.

Amid fears that volunteers could bring the virus within shelter doors, volunteer activity ground to a quick halt and frontline staff members — the “unsung heroes” of the entire operation, in Brooks’ words — began serving evening meals. Visitors were banned. 

While residents are normally free to leave during the day and come back at night, the shelter required them to stay indoors, spare scheduled outdoor time in small groups. By late March, fresh air was no longer an option. While residents complied with ever-stricter regulations, Brooks described the situation as “tough.” 

“We’re really on a lockdown,” Columbus House resident Kimberly Kinell told the New Haven Register. Other women lamented their inability to see their children given restrictions on daytime movement. 

And while the virus did not spread throughout the shelter — there were no positive cases as of April 3, when the last residents left for area hotels — fear did. 

“We’re all so close together,” Jennifer Palladino told the Register. Shelter residents share sleeping quarters and communal spaces, making compliance with CDC social distancing guidelines — which stipulate six feet between beds and in general — a tremendous challenge.

To hotels, from shelters and streets 

On March 16, one day after declaring a state of emergency, Elicker put homeless shelter decompression at the top of his stated priority list. New Haven’s shelters are still up and running, but the city needed alternatives given the inherent difficulties of social distancing, Elicker said at the time.

Two days later, the city presented several solutions. March 18 marked the beginning of the three-week transition from shelters to hotel rooms — one that proved more challenging than anticipated, Elicker said on April 20. 

In what Brooks described as the “first wave” of the process, the city finalized a contract with a local hotel for 24 double-occupancy rooms. Soon after the city contract, the United Way of Greater New Haven secured an additional 20 rooms in coordination with state officials. The first wave focused on the most high-risk shelter residents: those over the age of 60 and those with underlying health conditions. Around 20 Columbus House residents fit this profile. Residents of Martha’s Place, a women’s shelter, filled the remainder of the hotel rooms. 

The state ramped up its involvement on March 28 after FEMA approved Lamont’s presidential major disaster declaration request, unlocking federal funding that will reimburse up to 75 percent of Connecticut’s COVID-19-related expenditures. 

The process began with an executive order: Homeless shelters across the state had to close. Over the next week, the state footed the bill for around another 100 homeless individuals in New Haven to move into hotels and folded the original 24 city-rented rooms into its contracts. 

That process was not without its challenges: The day before a scheduled move to Best Western of West Haven, West Haven Police Chief Joseph S. Perno delivered a letter to the hotel requiring nearly $5,000 per day in police services. While this temporarily put the deal in jeopardy, the state resurrected its contract two days later and rented 100 rooms with no provisions for extra-duty police officers. New Haven Community Services Administrator Dr. Mehul Dalal confirmed in an April 18 email that this effort completed the relocation process for New Haven’s individual adult shelters.

The city’s youth and family shelters are not slated to move residents to hotels. Christian Community Action’s Hillside Family Shelter — which houses about 10 families in single-entry, single-exit apartment units — is fully operative with some remote services, Executive Director Bonita Grubbs told the News on April 8. Dalal told the News in an April 20 email that Life Haven, a family shelter, “has separate rooms already” and that Youth Continuum Shelter “reduced occupancy to the point where clients have their separate spaces.” 

Once in hotels, homeless individuals receive three meals per day via a city-operated delivery service, Dalal said. While the city is fronting the costs as of now, Elicker said on April 7 that he anticipates 75 percent reimbursement from the federal government — a figure made possible by his earlier emergency declaration. Case workers and residential staff are present in hotels, but they conduct most of their work remotely, Brooks told the News in an interview. 

Still, the three-week hotel room relocation process did not house the Elm City’s entire homeless population. For those without a shelter bed prior to the transition period, the process of finding accommodation is similar to its pre-pandemic counterpart: calling 2-1-1, a housing hotline operated by United Way. 

Teresa Lyck, who attended Elicker’s March 19 briefing, said at the time that she was put on hold with 2-1-1 for hours, and to no avail. According to the 2-1-1 website, nine percent of housing calls in the past month have gone unmet. 

“The city is currently working with our partners on a multidisciplinary plan to serve the remaining unsheltered,” Dalal wrote in an April 18 email. “This plan includes outreach and engagement, from medical and behavioral health teams as well as a plan for triage into hotels or housing as available.”

Brooks told the News that Columbus House’s frontline workers will conduct routine street outreach for the duration of the crisis. Based on an early April headcount of clients, Werlin knows of at least 42 people still on the street and estimates that the figure is closer to 100 when adding estimates from other organizations. DESK, he said, continues to serve as an entry point for those seeking accommodation. 

Self-isolation without a home

As hospital systems across the country are overwhelmed by COVID-19 patients, those who test positive but do not require intensive care are asked to self-isolate at home. But for those without one, this is an impossible task. Recognizing this challenge, the city on March 18 announced plans to erect a self-isolation site for the homeless at Hill Regional Career High School. 

Noting its proximity to Yale New Haven Hospital, a well-suited gymnasium and central location along major roads, the federal government designated Career as a regional emergency shelter site following Hurricane Irene in 2011. As such, the city can expect federal reimbursement for its use — a factor that played heavily in Elicker’s decision to choose it over two other locally identified shelter sites: Hillhouse High School and Wilbur Cross High School. 

But the mayor’s choice quickly drew criticism. The morning after Elicker’s announcement, nine leaders from the Hill neighborhood — which houses the school-turned-self-isolation-site — gathered outside of Career to condemn the mayor’s location decision on the grounds that the Hill is already oversaturated with social services. With 24 providers, the neighborhood shoulders a greater burden than any other.

In a press conference the following afternoon, Elicker acknowledged the validity of these concerns but emphasized the need to act quickly. 

“We don’t have time right now to wait,” he said. “We need to look at the examples of other communities that are 11 days ahead of us in this experience where emergency health providers can’t cope with the number of people who are sick.” 

At the time, New Haven had seven confirmed cases. That number had grown to 361 by the time the Career site was ready to open on April 7.

In addition to systemic issues of oversaturation, former Ward 3 Alder Latrice James expressed her concern that COVID-19 patients would be able to walk in and out of the Career site, endangering Hill residents. At a Board of Education meeting the following Monday, several parents worried about health complications for their children upon returning to a school that had had COVID-19 within its walls.

Elicker and Emergency Operations Director Rick Fontana ensured the public that the city would implement stringent security measures and rigorous cleaning methods: round-the-clock police presence and video surveillance while the site houses the homeless, and a deep clean with hospital-grade disinfectant before students return to campus.

“This was a bit of a break for them from being homeless. Their concerns are really: ‘Where are they gonna go after?’ They may not be infectious anymore, but they’re still homeless.”

—Chaney Kalinich ’19 SPH ’20, Medical Reserve Corps volunteer

Elicker found support for his plan from the majority of the city’s Board of Education, which voted in favor of the Career self-isolation site on March 23. Still, BOE member Darnell Goldson — joined by two of his colleagues — asked the mayor to reconsider, citing concerns similar to those of Hill leaders. Larry Conaway, who voted against Goldson’s resolution, sent an email to his colleagues the following Friday expressing regret for not standing against the Career site. 

While the debate over the Career site ensued in meetings and at press conferences, the city faced difficulties in getting the facility up and running. On March 20 — two days after Elicker initially laid out the city’s plans — Fontana said that Career was “fully, from a logistical standpoint, ready to go.” After putting 40 beds in place in the first 24 hours, the city increased capacity to 50, which proved a “more manageable” number than the planned 75, Elicker said on April 7.

But staffing was another story. The city would need nurses, support staff, police and on-call doctors to stand up the site.

On March 26, Elicker issued a call for help, asking New Haveners with medical experience to sign up for the Medical Reserve Corps, a group of volunteers that support mass care settings and other public health activities. By March 27, Connecticut had 235 sign-ups statewide.

About one week later, New Haven trained its first 19 volunteers on April 2. The group — mostly nurses — was tasked with “checking temperatures [and] screening people,” a role New Haven Health Director Maritza Bond described as “basic medical follow up and triage.” The city also arranged for an on-call doctor and behavioral practitioner, she said. The next day, Bond and Fontana certified an additional six trainees. 

By April 7, the Career site was on standby, awaiting its first patients. The first two patients entered the facility on April 9. 

Chaney Kalinich ’19 SPH ’20, a certified EMT, is working at Career as an MRC volunteer. She told the News that the Career patients have expressed concerns about where they will turn once their stay at the self-isolation site is over. One patient who was discharged this weekend is currently living out of his car, she said. Another is scheduled to leave soon and his caseworkers have been unable to find accommodation — hotel rooms, she said, are not available. 

“This was a bit of a break for them from being homeless,” Kalinich told the News. “Their concerns are really: ‘Where are they gonna go after?’ They may not be infectious anymore, but they’re still homeless.”

Elicker noted on April 20 that patients discharged from Career no longer carry transmission risks but emphasized the need for more hotel rooms. While the state has secured agreements with two area hotels, the contract process has stalled due to hotels’ “willingness … to open up,” Elicker said. City officials are working diligently to expand hotel availability, he continued.

Fontana said that no one has been discharged from Career without a place to go. The city found a hotel room for one individual discharged on April 20, where he will stay for several days before moving to another accommodation, Fontana said. 

Past the pandemic 

As of April 20, eight homeless individuals in New Haven who have tested positive for COVID-19 are housed at or recently discharged from Career. Just under 200 are housed in hotels, and many remain on the street as the city works to find accommodation.

New Haven plans to keep these measures in place for the duration of the public health crisis. But when the fog has lifted, some are questioning whether the Elm City can — or should — return to normal.

New Haven resident Michael Cutler, who has been in and out of homelessness and currently lives with a friend, told the New Haven Register that hotel rooms and high school gymnasiums are temporary fixes to a plight that predates the pandemic.

“It’s got to be a long-term solution,” he said. “Humanity is not just something part-time. You don’t help another person just because you’re in a crisis.”

New Haven offers more homeless services than any of its neighbors by a wide margin, but service providers and city officials agree that shelters fall short of meeting the homeless population’s needs. Those who can get into shelters live in crowded spaces, and despite the Elm City boasting more affordable housing than surrounding cities — 32 percent as compared to 10 percent or less — expensive accommodation options make leaving homeless shelters and city streets a challenge.

New Haven, Sunrise Cafe’s Hunt said, is not unique in “not providing particularly robust services for the homeless.” He does not anticipate the situation changing for the better or worse in the long term. Still, Hunt credited the Elm City with a COVID-19 response that has “really ramped up to be a pretty robust [one].”

“It’s got to be a long-term solution. Humanity is not just something part-time. You don’t help another person just because you’re in a crisis.”

—Michael Cutler, New Haven resident

Despite its limitations, New Haven’s existing service coordination laid the groundwork for rapid mobilization amid the COVID-19 pandemic. The Coordinated Access Network — formed a decade ago at the behest of government officials, shelter representatives, health centers and funders — continues to use 2-1-1 to connect homeless individuals with available housing options as those options shift from shelter beds to hotel rooms. Nine percent of the 1,349 New Haven housing calls the CAN has received since March 21 have gone unmet, compared to 14 percent of a similar figure in the same period last year. The city has worked with the Greater New Haven CAN since the beginning of the shelter relocation process, Dalal told the News.

About 10 months ago, food servicers created an analogous Coordinated Food Assistance Network that has proven invaluable in recent weeks, Hunt said. Throughout the pandemic, CFAN has hosted twice-weekly calls to ensure that food banks and soup kitchens are working in lockstep. Food providers are also on twice-weekly calls with city officials.

“[Food and housing] efforts have been extremely well-coordinated through partnerships and coordinated networks that had already existed prior to this,” Werlin said. “The fruits of the last 10 years of collaborative work [among shelters] have really paid off in a crisis … All of the collaborative work [at CFAN has made the pandemic response] a lot smoother than it could have been.” 

For the most part, providers and officials agree that it is too early to anticipate specific effects that COVID-19 will have on homeless services. The city’s homelessness budget has flatlined in recent years and Elicker’s proposed allocation mirrors that of his predecessor’s last two budgets. How the COVID-19 pandemic may affect those numbers depends on the trajectory and longevity of the pandemic as well as the level of federal support the Elm City receives, Dalal said. 

Right now, New Haven is focused on connecting homeless individuals to state and federal financial assistance programs. When asked if the pandemic will change how his department approaches homeless services, Dalal said, “I suspect yes, but it’s too early to tell exactly how.” 

One thing that will not change is the city’s stance on homeless encampments, Elicker said on April 20. The Elm City has historically cracked down on encampments, including a May 2014 attempt by Amistad Catholic Worker House to establish a tent city in a vacant city-owned lot. Amistad Founder Mark Colville argued that New Haven’s opposition to encampments exacerbated the current crisis, but Elicker said that the pandemic has not changed the city’s position. 

Perhaps the pandemic has expedited the housing application process in a way that could outlive the current crisis, Brooks offered. Columbus House has placed 44 people into permanent housing since March 20, according to a press release. Brooks told the News in an April 3 interview that the process was quicker than usual for those who were already eligible for permanent housing.

But whether prospective applicants enter the housing process in the first place directly depends on their economic circumstances — and across the board, predictions for New Haven’s economy, and its impact on the city’s homeless, are grim. 

Those impacts are already visible. DESK has seen increased demand for its services, largely as a result of new people entering the system, Werlin said. Grubbs told the News that two families at Hillside were slated to move into permanent housing soon, but their heads of household have been laid off after a week working a new job and had a new opportunity cancelled, respectively. 

Elicker worried in an April 7 press conference that the state’s efforts to decompress its prison system would result in an influx of people requiring homeless services. And for those who were barely above water prior to the outbreak, the next few months will prove vital to lasting economic stability. 

According to Dalal, it is “undoubtedly the case” that there will be a greater demand for basic needs services.

“It is my hope we see this as a lesson that we cannot ignore segments of our community,” he said. “The pandemic makes clear that our long-term health and economic well-being depend on us seeing this as a collective problem.”

(Courtesy of Columbus House)

Looking back:
Justice for Stephanie and Paul, one year later

Published on April 16, 2020

I n the early hours of the morning on April 16, 2019, Hamden police officer Devon Eaton and Yale Police officer Terrance Pollock fired 13 and three shots, respectively, at Stephanie Washington and Paul Witherspoon, an unarmed black couple in their car.

The day of the shooting, life on Yale’s campus continued as normal, spare a morning email from YPD Chief Ronnell Higgins and an evening one from Vice President for Human Resources and Administration Janet Lindner. The admissions office and student groups were busy running Bulldog Days, which was scheduled from April 15 to 17. But beyond campus borders, a movement was growing. Activist groups, including People Against Police Brutality and Black Lives Matter New Haven, organized an evening rally outside the Hamden Police Department, drawing a crowd of about 200. Later that night, organizers protested at the site of the shooting on Dixwell Avenue and Argyle Street.

“I think we all built, during this time, the foundation for a relationship rooted in solidarity,” People Against Police Brutality organizer Kerry Ellington told the News in an April 14 interview. “I think all the different communities that were involved wanted to — and still want to — see an end goal where both officers are held accountable for their reckless actions on April 16 of last year.”

The following day, New Haven and Hamden mayors and police chiefs hosted a briefing that was absent of University officials and clear-cut answers. In addition to city activists, about a dozen student leaders from the Afro-American Cultural Center and Af-Am House Dean Rise Nelson attended. In a debrief behind City Hall, Yale students discussed next steps: New Haven and Hamden community activists would be protesting at University President Peter Salovey’s house within the hour, and several Yalies decided to join.

The demonstration started on Hillhouse Avenue and ended at YPD headquarters — and the path between the two, rather than initially suggested city streets, took demonstrators through the heart of campus and into the courtyard of Pauli Murray College.

“There was going to purposely be an effort to not allow anyone at Yale to ignore what was going on,” Black Men’s Union Solidarity Chair Isaac Yearwood ’22 said in an April 10 interview. “If you are on this campus and you have the capacity to be a part of this and you choose not to, you’re complicit.”

Several students expressed disappointment and frustration with the lack of student turnout that evening. Yearwood acknowledged the pressures on Yale students at the time — from Bulldog Days to looming final exams — but underscored that he views showing up for community activists, whether in person or on social media, as an obligation. Over the past year, student and community activists have collaborated to organize around last April’s shooting and a broader set of issues — building relationships that have transcended the incident that spurred them.

“There have always been iterations of students who have come through to this city who have really understood the significance of connecting with the community,” Ellington told the News. “So I don’t want to disregard students that I’ve worked with and organized with in the past … But [the shooting was] definitely, I would say, a significant moment for both black and brown Yale students on campus and black and brown residents in New Haven — a moment that was clear to come together, clear to make a united call.”

THE FOUNDERS’ ROOM

Student leaders from a slew of Af-Am House organizations and other spaces had been in constant conversation since that Wednesday night. Community organizers were planning a rally outside Woodbridge Hall for Thursday afternoon.

Having exchanged contact information following the demonstration at Salovey’s house and tapped into existing networks, University and city activists convened in the Founders’ Room of the Af-Am House on Thursday afternoon, hours before the rally was slated to start.

“To see a group of young black Yale students sit down and learn from [local activists] was amazing,” Elm City Vineyard Lead Pastor Joshua Williams ’08 DIV ’11 said in an April 13 interview. He was involved in race-related student activism during his time at Yale and said that New Haven’s black community had played a pivotal role in movements like the one to change the name of Calhoun College.

Yale students showing up for New Haven in the wake of the shooting, he said, was a “twin moment” paired with dining hall worker Corey Menafee smashing a window in protest of Grace Hopper College’s former namesake. New Haven residents have consistently fought for Yale students of color, he said, and students followed and reciprocated in the Founders’ Room that Thursday.

“In terms of an urgent response, it was the first time I had seen black students have this incredible deference to black New Haven — [asking] black New Haven to lead [so that Yale students] could follow,” Williams told the News. “That meeting set the backbone [for what was] clearly, by far, the most powerful protest I had been a part of in terms of New Haven activism [and] Yale activism.”

Yearwood said that the Founders’ Room meeting was marked by an instant sense of trust and solidarity. Everyone in the room was “there for the person that sat next to them,” he said, despite some having met only the night — or never — before.

Yale Black Women’s Coalition President Imani Richardson ’21 and Black Men’s Union Vice President Ben Dormus ’21 both said that the meeting reinforced that the Tuesday shooting was not an isolated instance, but rather part of a larger pattern of violence.

Within three hours, organizers were outside Woodbridge Hall, leading a rally that marked the beginning of a 500-person, seven-hour protest that shut down several major thoroughfare streets in the Elm City.

“JUSTICE FOR STEPHANIE, JUSTICE FOR PAUL”

Yearwood and Ellington at the Thursday protest. Courtesy of Sydney Holmes '20.

The Thursday demonstration highlighted several of many demands that activists would issue over the coming weeks. Among those demands: The University must immediately terminate Pollock.

Salovey said in a University-wide email on April 17 that the YPD officer had been placed on paid administrative leave and that the University could conduct its own investigation only once state officials had completed theirs. Eight months later — a timeframe not lost on those who had called for Pollock’s immediate firing — the University announced that Pollock, who had not been charged by the state, would be reassigned to a position that does not require a gun or a uniform.

While organizers had long advocated for Pollock’s termination, Laurie Sweet of Hamden Action Now — an organization formed in the wake of the shooting — told the News that Pollock’s shift to desk duty was a “small victory.”

But April’s shooting, in the eyes of many front-line activists, was a tragic symptom of a deeper systemic problem of violence against minority communities — a problem that Pollock’s eventual reassignment did not solve, they said.

“There is a larger context of state-sanctioned violence that we are in,” Ellington said outside Woodbridge Hall the Thursday following the shooting. “[Washington and Witherspoon] did absolutely nothing wrong. And even if they did do something wrong, it still wouldn’t be cause for deprivation of their rights. Why is it okay?”

Local activists called for a fair and thorough investigation from the state and the immediate release of all relevant camera footage.

Connecticut State Police made that footage — which included Hamden police body camera footage and all relevant dispatch audio — public about a week later. Pollock’s footage was unavailable, as he failed to turn on his camera at the time of the incident.

John Rovella, the commissioner of the State Department of Emergency Services and Public Protection, said at the time that it was “unheard of” that the state police were “putting [the footage] out so quickly.” This marked a departure from normal operating procedures, he said, as footage is usually released only after termination of an investigation, which was to be conducted by State’s Attorney Patrick Griffin.

Months later, in July — following a legislative debate about police accountability reinvigorated by April’s shooting and another incident in Wethersfield — then-Gov. Dannel Malloy signed a bill requiring footage release within 96 hours of a public request.

The State’s Attorney concluded and published the results of his investigation in the fall. Griffin announced on Oct. 21 that, per the recommendation of his report, Connecticut had filed felony and misdemeanor charges against Eaton. Griffin declined to recommend charges for Pollock, who fired three shots after his own patrol car had been hit by a stray bullet from Eaton.

The existence of that investigation, Sweet said, was a win in itself. Connecticut law requires the state to investigate only fatal police shootings, she explained. This, she continued, means that the pressure she and others put on Hamden and the state forced the system to provide some measure of accountability, albeit slowly.

But in the aftermath of the investigation, activists continued to push for more decisive action from the state and the University. Yale Black Women’s Coalition Publicist Zoe Hopson ’22 recalled meeting Ellington and others at a local office building with Black Men’s Union Community Outreach Chair Jaelen King ’22 and Yearwood to plan next steps. About one week after the report was released, protesters from a coalition of community and student groups occupied the Broadway island at The Shops at Yale to call for both officers’ termination.

One town over, the Hamden Police Department responded to the state’s report by switching Eaton’s administrative leave from paid to unpaid, which remains his current status. Eaton pleaded not guilty to all criminal charges in a court appearance on Nov. 5.

With the state’s report complete, the Hamden Police Commission stated that it would wait for then-Acting Hamden Police Chief John Cappiello to conduct an internal investigation into Eaton’s actions and make a recommendation. Frustrated by continued delays and outraged that Eaton’s status had not made the Hamden Police Commission’s Nov. 13 meeting agenda — the first since the state’s report — around 100 student and community activists delivered heated speeches in the meeting’s public comment section.

“I feel enraged that it’s taken this long for the commission to be minimally receptive,” Ellington said in an interview at the time. “We shouldn’t be pleading to the police commission to put a near-attempted murder by their police officers on their agenda. We’ve seen the state turn a blind eye to these killings.”

At the end of the meeting, the commission confirmed that Cappiello would make an employment recommendation by Nov. 20.

Come Nov. 20, Cappiello recommended firing Eaton for committing multiple violations of the Hamden Police Rules and Regulations. According to several activists, this recommendation — which arrived seven months after the shooting — was the direct result of applied pressure.

Following the recommendation, the commission would have up to 30 days to commence with hearings. But before those 30 days were up, a court order prohibited further action.

On Dec. 6, New Haven Superior Court Judge John Blue granted an injunction — requested by the Hamden Police Union — that prevents the police commission from acting on Eaton’s employment status until his criminal case is resolved. Five months later, the case is ongoing.

Across the board, organizers agree that there is still much more work to do, beyond the immediate goal of holding Eaton criminally liable for his actions. Across the state, there were three fatal police shootings in the first 23 days of this year. One of the victims, Mubarak Soulemane, was a New Haven resident.

This constituted a “state of emergency” of police violence in New Haven, Hopson said. Others interviewed by the News agreed — the fight is far from over.

“WE DEMAND”

On both Yale and New Haven fronts, activists’ earliest demands focused on the involved officers and the timeliness and fairness of state and University investigations. But community organizers also repeated long-standing calls for greater accountability in the criminal justice system. Within days, Black Students for Disarmament at Yale, or BSDY — which formed in the wake of the shooting — had drawn up a broader list of demands.

In the hours after the Thursday protest and leading up to a massive Friday demonstration in Hamden, Yale organizers arranged rideshares and formed teams for social media, research, events, outreach and strategy. The goal, Yearwood explained, was to tailor broader community calls for justice — about armed police forces and broad boundary lines, for example — to actionable, Yale-specific items.

Throughout the deliberation process, student organizers were in constant communication with their New Haven and Hamden counterparts, texting and calling to run ideas by those who were leading the effort. King remembers community leaders being “so responsive and so receptive,” welcoming students into a decades-old fold of local organizing.

“People felt like something was different about that moment,” King told the News in an interview. “It wasn’t just another protest … The moment itself allowed for so much interplay and connection … People were just really open and receptive to building relationships [and] coming together for something that was bigger than us.”

A brainstorming session in the Af-Am House E-Room, early Friday, April 19, 2019. (Courtesy of Richard Mbouombouo '21.)

Yale seniors — who had been first years when massive protests about racial tensions swept the campus in 2015 — took the lead in the conversation, which started Thursday night and continued into the early hours of Friday morning in the Af-Am House’s E-Room.

Nia Berrian ’19 told the News in an April 14 email that she was focused on providing an outlet for student organizers to express the emotions that come along with a draining demonstration.

“Our intentions were not ultimately to form demands or do anything besides assist New Haven organizers whenever they needed,” she wrote. “However, it became increasingly clear that many of the underclassmen … wanted to do more but did not exactly know where to start.”

Seniors, she said, drew on connections with New Haveners and Yale alumni, as well as prior experiences of reading and writing demands, to convey to their peers that they could “really harness student power to demand drastic measures to protect the Black community on Yale’s campus and the [New Haven] and Hamden community.”

On April 20, BSDY delivered a letter to Salovey reiterating earlier calls for Pollock’s firing and body camera footage while adding two new calls for justice: the disarmament of the Yale Police Department and the restriction of the YPD’s patrol area to a reasonable definition of “campus.”

The YPD’s boundary lines quickly emerged as a focal point for Yale and community activists alike. The April 16 shooting occurred on the New Haven side of the New Haven-Hamden border, far from the edge of campus and outside of Hamden’s jurisdiction. While it is common for municipal police officers to venture across boundary lines, Cappiello, in recommending Eaton’s termination, rebuked the officer for “failure to notify a supervisor that he was entering another jurisdiction.”

Farmer noted that Hamden and New Haven officials had proposed a memorandum of understanding about when officers could cross into the neighboring city — but one year later, an MOU has not been drawn up. Elicker told the News that he intends to pursue an MOU but that the current pandemic has delayed those efforts.

As for Yale, the University police department’s legal reach matches that of New Haven’s municipal officers, Griffin noted in his report. According to scores of community activists, this makes the YPD one prong of a dangerous trifecta of law enforcement in the Elm City.

“We have a situation where we have a police department for the city of New Haven and we also have two additional police departments [Yale’s and Hamden’s] that can come in and police New Haven,” Ellington told the News in an interview last fall. “We call that a triple occupation.”

Since this time last year, the YPD’s jurisdiction has not changed. Higgins told the News that the YPD polices Yale’s campus, not the entire city of New Haven. YPD officers have never patrolled in Hamden, he added. Higgins noted that the YPD is not considering disarming, as officers need to be “fully prepared” to respond to campus emergencies.

For its part, Yale hired 21CP Solutions, an organization that partners with police departments to “tackle the challenges of policing in the 21st century” according to its website. 21CP would advise the University on how it can “improve police services,” Lindner wrote in a community email on Oct. 28. Jeannia Fu, an organizer with Justice for Jayson, dismissed this at the time as a University attempt to “create its own facts.”

In the wake of last April’s shooting, the YPD — which has an official police partnership with NHPD — also scaled up its community outreach in an attempt to improve its relationships with local residents.

Six days after issuing its initial letter, BSDY and a slew of other student organizations marched to YPD headquarters to hand-deliver over 1,000 civilian complaint campaigns, ranging from racial profiling incidents with other officers to direct demands about Pollock’s involvement in the shooting.

Over the course of that week, protests took an increasingly holistic approach to reform — calling for justice not only in the immediate case, but for minority Yale students, underserved New Haven residents and the Elm City more broadly.

Zoe Hopson '22 prepares for BSDY's deliverance march. (Courtesy of Seyade Tadele '21.)

“We’re standing here at the ivory tower,” the Rev. Scott Marks of New Haven Rising said on April 26, gesturing to Woodbridge Hall. “And I know that there are the means for there to be change.”

In addition to demanding Pollock’s termination, speakers highlighted the University’s continued failure to deliver on promises to New Haven and to its students. They criticized a lack of faculty diversity; consistent underfunding of race, gender and ethnicity studies; and Yale’s alleged failure to meet its commitment to hire 1,000 New Haven residents from neighborhoods of need. They also chastised the University for a $12.5 million voluntary annual contribution to the Elm City that New Haveners say pales in comparison to Yale’s $30.3 billion endowment — a topic that comes up at MLK celebrations and city budget meetings alike.

University Spokesperson Karen Peart said that Yale’s financial contribution is the largest of any university to its host city and pointed to additional means of support that the University provides. Yale has recently hired 1,000 New Haven residents, she added, bringing the total to 4,000. FROM BDD TO BSDY

Amid the novel coronavirus outbreak, Yale’s annual Bulldog Days program has gone virtual — marking the second consecutive year that a crisis coincided with the admitted students event.

Last year, admitted members of the class of 2023 arrived on campus just one day before Hamden and Yale officers shot at Washington and Witherspoon. While they departed before mass demonstrations began in earnest, Dormus and Yearwood recall prospective first years sharing articles and social media posts from their respective corners of the world.

“I learned about the shooting when I was making the choice of whether or not to come to Yale,” Callie Benson-Williams ’23 told the News. “During Bulldog Days, I got to go to the [Af-Am] House and … seeing how strong and resilient the black community there was was definitely a help … This is a lesson of how important connection between community and Yale is, and having a supportive black community is.”

Black Men’s Union First Year Representative Ayanle Nur ’23 said that seeing community organizers and Yale students come together after he left Bulldog Days made him confident in his college decision. Zaporah Price ’23, a staff columnist for the News, remembers hearing about the shooting at Af-Am House events while on campus and sharing articles with her mom when she returned to Chicago. Upon arriving in New Haven, Price immediately got involved with Yale student activists — people who she said “stay in the background” and follow the lead of community organizers.

Tiya Proctor-Floyd ’23 told the News that she has always been looking to continue social justice work in college. BSDY organizers — rather than “being an activist for the sake of being an activist and being visible” — are genuinely dedicated to uplifting community voices, she said.

In September, Ellington and fellow People Against Police Brutality organizer Amelia Allen Sherwood came to an Af-Am House first-year and transfer student retreat to talk to newly arrived Yalies about activism and engagement in New Haven.

“It’s super important [for students] to understand that any work that they would do is standing on the shoulders of people who have been doing that work long before we were ever at Yale — and is going to be continued on long after we leave,” Eden Senay ’22, who organized the retreat as the membership coordinator for the Black Student Alliance at Yale, said in an interview with the News.

Ellington told the News that she went in order to introduce herself as someone who “really wanted to intentionally build community” between students and city residents and to get to know the students themselves.

First years led campus publicity efforts for the Shops at Yale protest following the state report release, according to Dormus and Benson-Williams, and they encouraged one another to show up to the event, Proctor-Floyd told the News. Proctor-Floyd saw the protest as an opportunity to stand in solidarity with community members.

“Yes, we are black students in America, and yes, we do fear police brutality and police violence to some degree on the merit of being black students,” she said. “[But] this is not something we’re doing for us because we fear for our lives. This is more us utilizing the privilege that we have as black Yale students to support community organizers and community activists.”

At the end of that protest, Ellington issued a call to Yale students: Just as community organizers had come to the University to fight for Pollock’s termination, students needed to show up in Hamden and support New Haven and Hamden residents as they shut down a police commission meeting two weeks later. Price remembers that meeting as the worst day of her Yale experience. It was “beautifully sad,” she said — beautiful for its solidarity and sad for its necessity. It was also a sobering reminder that Yale’s ivory towers do not change what it means to be black in America, she said. She recalled a heated confrontation between Dormus and a police commissioner:

“I did not feel like a Yale student,” Price said. “Ben wasn’t a Yale student in that moment. Ben was a black man who was in a fighting match with a man who did not see him for who he was, but for the color of his skin.”

Reflecting on the same moment, Nur said that his “blood was boiling” and he was inspired to take to the microphone himself. Several first years joined him with passionate speeches of their own, he said.

Sweet told the News that she has been ”blown away” by Yale students’ involvement — particularly that of first-year students who were not enrolled at the time of the shooting but have embraced the cause as their own.

BEYOND THE SHOOTING

Last April’s activism laid the groundwork for a continued united front. Starting within weeks of the shooting and continuing into recent months, mobilization has expanded beyond the incident that initially spurred collaboration between Yale and community organizers.

That newfound network became necessary within 12 hours of Yale closing its campus to undergraduates at the end of finals period. Ellington and several others were arrested at a Bridgeport rally and memorial for 15-year-old Jayson Negron, who was fatally shot by a Bridgeport police officer two years earlier.

Having exchanged phone numbers and social media information with community activists and their organizations, a groundswell of student support advocated for Ellington and others’ immediate release. Around two dozen students flooded police lines in a virtual phone bank, while others took to social media, Dormus told the News.

In January, BSDY activists and others joined 200 city residents on the steps of New Haven City Hall to protest the fatal shooting of New Haven teenager Mubarak Soulemane at the hands of a state trooper, during a high-speed car chase after Soulemane allegedly carjacked a ride-share driver in Norwalk.

The next month, Yalies again traveled to Hamden — this time, for reasons unrelated to the shooting that had taken scores of student activists to the neighboring town as recently as November.

In an incident that made national headlines, a Hamden teacher had cast a biracial girl and a black boy as slaves in a play designed to teach fifth graders about the trans-Atlantic slave trade. That teacher was placed on administrative leave about a week later and returned the following week, while the school district issued an apology.

But in the eyes of many residents, this incident was one in a series of abuses and failures on Hamden’s part to adequately address racism. Hamden Action Now called on community members to rally outside of and then attend a Feb. 3 Hamden Legislative Council meeting.

About 20 Yale students answered that call, according to King, and a combined 100 protesters packed the cavernous hall that Monday. Sweet drove some of them herself. Their demands included firing the principal of the school in question, hiring more minority teachers and creating a centralized reporting system, among other measures.

“We’ve had issues around race in Hamden for quite some time, nowhere different from anywhere else,” Farmer told the News. “It was humbling and beautiful to see students come out and support the work that people are trying to do to change their immediate community.”

Sweet noted that a core group of activists have been doing that work for years. But the group of people willing to “shoulder that weight” has grown in recent months. Hopson told the News that BSDY, as a result of sustained contact with local organizers, has been able to encourage students to attend events of which they otherwise may have been unaware.

Richardson said that she has maintained personal connections with organizers like Ellington and has learned more about the work of local organizations as a result. But she does not think that the aftermath of last April’s shooting has changed the Yale-New Haven relationship at large. Yale students’ turnout at the seven-hour protest was unlike anything she had seen in her time at the University, Richardson said, but those who remain heavily involved today are the same people who led student efforts at the time.

Yearwood and King — both of whom have worked closely with community organizers this year — described a shift since last April. Rather than two distinct groups converging in the same place at the same time, student and community activists are working as one body, they said.

“Even when the most difficult conversations are about to be had or just finished, we chop it up, make jokes — after, before — so it feels like a very warm and loving environment,” Yearwood said. “Before, the only thing that brought people together was anger, whereas [now we are] also in a space of love.” “We have sat at a number of tables together and listened to one another,” Sweet told the News. “We’ve built relationships and we’ve built trust. I would hope that if the Yale students feel like they needed us Hamden residents, that we would be right there. I definitely feel that any time we’ve needed some Yale students to come out to a Hamden meeting, they have shown up in force.”

They must continue to do so, King said — for Washington and Witherspoon, and for justice in New Haven and Connecticut at large.

Meera Shoaib contributed reporting.

(Robbie Short)

UP CLOSE:
Piece by piece: The art of representative concert programming

Published on April 15, 2020

DAYBREAK IN FLORIDA: The Yale Symphony Orchestra

The sound of an oboe emerges from a fluttering musical backdrop. It spins a somber, yet hopeful, song. The fluttering fades and morphs into a dancing flute melody, evoking the image of a rising sun.

“Daybreak — Dance” is the first movement of British composer Frederick Delius’ “Florida Suite.” On Oct. 15, 2018, members of the Yale Symphony Orchestra (YSO) arrived in Hendrie Hall for the first rehearsal of the piece. My fellow orchestra members and I were preparing the piece for the upcoming November concert.

Twenty minutes into the rehearsal, we neared the end of the second movement, “By the River.”  The music ended with a lilting three-beat pulse and lush, swirling textures, like a rushing river becoming a calm stream. 

Then, William Boughton — the YSO’s interim music director at the time — put down his baton to address the musicians. Contextualizing a piece is essential for an ensemble to fully understand and experience the art they are creating, Boughton later said. Delius wrote the work back in 1887, after his first of two visits to America from his home in England. The composer sought a space to write music without the presence of his oppressive father and worked for two years as the manager of Solano Grove, a plantation in Jacksonville, Florida. During those two years, he listened to the African American spirituals while standing by the river that ran through the plantation. 

The black plantation residents who sang in the evenings “showed a truly wonderful sense of musicianship and harmonic resonance … and, hearing their singing in such romantic surroundings, it was then and there that I first felt the urge to express myself in music,” Delius recalled in his writings. 

As Boughton explained the piece’s context, orchestra members listened, since many of them were unfamiliar with Delius’s work. But their eyes were fixed on the title of the next movement: “Sunset — Near the Plantation.”

“People felt tricked, because they felt like they were playing this beautiful music without realizing what it meant,” then-Student President of YSO Laura Michael ’20 later said. She had played the opening oboe solo during the ensemble’s read-through. “And they thought the audience might be too, because of the pastoral nature and pretty melodies of the piece.”

“People felt tricked, because they felt like they were playing this beautiful music without realizing what it meant.”

—Laura Michael ’20, former YSO president

During his explanation, Boughton mentioned that the piece drew from “African American spirituals” Delius heard while managing an orange plantation in Florida. But Boughton did not explicitly mention how the work interacted with the legacy of slavery in the United States — he spoke of the piece’s beauty, but not of its underlying pain.  

Some musicians left the rehearsal. Others were in tears at the orchestra’s post-rehearsal dinner. I sat with them at a round table in the corner of the Timothy Dwight dining hall, as we processed the rehearsal and discussed the sociohistorical implications of playing Delius’ “Florida Suite.”

 Several members decided they would not play in the concert cycle if the Delius piece was included in the program. Many others sent emails to Boughton and Thomas Duffy, director of the Yale Bands, and brought their grievances to administrative attention.

“The majority of people said that they were not comfortable playing a piece that obviously was written about slavery, but not written by someone who had experienced slavery firsthand,” said Epongue Ekille ’21, the YSO’s current president. 

According to Ekille, Michael and Boughton, orchestra members were concerned the piece glorified slavery without establishing the proper context — which, for some, began with how Boughton described the piece to the orchestra. Michael mentioned that without providing the audience with sufficient explanation, the piece’s “pastoral nature” and “pretty melodies” could potentially obscure the work’s inspiration and history.  

Boughton later expressed several reasons for programming the “Florida Suite.” He said that he did not intend to “glorify” slavery by programming the piece but rather wanted to expose the orchestra to repertoire beyond its largely Austro-Hungarian and Germanic canon. And programming music like the “Florida Suite,” influenced by American history, would help him accomplish this task. Most importantly, Boughton felt the Delius suite was a compelling and beautiful piece of music.  

“It was a testament of a moment in time, an English composer reflecting upon what he experienced and what he heard in Florida,” Boughton said. “We will never know [if Delius intended] to glorify slavery because we’re not inside Delius’s head.”

Boughton drew parallels between Delius’s use of African American spirituals and Hungarian composer Béla Bartók’s use of folk music. Bartók is a well-respected composer in the Western art music canon, and performing his work is not seen as controversial. And, since Delius’s opera “Koanga” was the first opera to “utilize African American music and feature African Americans in title roles,” some scholars argue that Delius may also have increased representation of African American musical traditions. 

“I like to believe in the goodness of humanity,” Boughton said. “I think Delius was just responding to what he heard across the river.”

On the evening of the initial rehearsal, Boughton expressed willingness to engage with the orchestra in meaningful dialogue about the work. In an email to the orchestra, Boughton wrote, “I dislike stereotyping any race and recognize and abhor the horrors and suffering of slavery.” He then called for a group-wide discussion to “address music with affiliations to ‘controversial’ programs or authorship, and the place such music has in the contemporary world of performance.” 

The Delius piece was removed from the Nov. 10 concert program and replaced with other music by English composers. Four days later, Boughton and Duffy — along with Yale Symphony Orchestra Manager Brian Robinson and student presidents Michael and Spencer Parish ’20 — led the group discussion.

The YSO was invited to share their perspectives and ask questions, either anonymously via an online form or in person at the meeting. Members and staff discussed representation in classical music, regarding both the “Florida Suite” and broader concerns with the YSO’s programming practices. At the following rehearsal, several students in attendance expressed that the discussion was productive and that they admired Boughton’s willingness to engage with student input. 

After the meeting, Ekille sent the orchestra a playlist that “highlights black and Latinx composers” to illuminate underrepresented compositional voices. Boughton identified a list of underrepresented composers whose music he enjoyed, and he listened to their music over and over. 

“Playing a piece about slavery is not wrong,” Ekille said. “We want to engage with slavery and acknowledge that it existed and that it was terrible [through our music]. But why are we playing this piece, one that was written by a slave owner?”

Following Boughton’s May 2019 appointment as the YSO’s next music director — and the group discussion regarding the “Florida Suite” and concert programming — he outlined a plan for the orchestra to play music combining the Western canon with American music and contemporary music. All of the orchestra’s regular season concerts would highlight the work of underrepresented composers. 

To facilitate intentional and meaningful concert programming, Boughton established a student programming committee to discuss his repertoire ideas. The YSO’s inaugural programming committee met for the first time in the summer of 2019.

PUERTO RICAN PARADISE: The Yale Glee Club

To Delius, Florida represented a type of paradise. To those working on the plantation, Florida was anything but — it represented a centuries-long history of pain, oppression and slavery. 

 A thousand miles from the coast of Florida, the island of Puerto Rico contends with similar histories. To 16th-century Spanish colonizers and modern-day tourists, the island is an idyllic paradise. The Travelogue’s website calls the “enchanting” location a “premier destination … surrounded by tranquil white-sand beaches and colorful locals.” The advertisement calls visitors to “explore” all that “this charming country has to offer.”

According to Puerto Rican composer Angélica Negrón, the island performs for others. But this “performance” is artificial — it is imposed by its colonizers and its oppressors.

 This season, the Yale Glee Club commissioned Negrón to write a song for a four-part choir and electronic soundscape called “Paradise.” The piece juxtaposes texts about colonization and disaster capitalism with descriptions of the island’s idyllic beauty. This juxtaposition evokes an image of Puerto Rico as a “paradise,” controlled by externally imposed narratives to the extent that its identity is lost and its voice is silenced. The world premiere of “Paradise” was scheduled for the now-canceled Glee Club Spring 2020 tour to Puerto Rico.

 “I use a lot of my music to try to understand things that I don’t quite understand,” Negrón said. “I had the opportunity of writing for a brilliant force of voices and bodies together. I thought that was a great medium to [communicate] a perspective that we don’t often hear in the media.”

But the members of the Yale Glee Club, like the YSO, questioned the implications of performing the music. Many members did not feel comfortable singing text written by Puerto Rico’s colonizers to their intended audience of native Puerto Ricans. They, too, contacted their director, Jeffrey Douma, to voice concerns about performing “Paradise” in its original form.

Glee Club member Devin O’Banion ’20 said that “Paradise” was “powerful” and “reclaimed some of the language that had been used against Puerto Rican people in an uplifting way.” But he disputed the notion that a majority white, institutionally rooted organization like the Yale Glee Club could effectively reclaim that hurtful language. “Placing ourselves into the conversation, in this way, was inappropriate,” O’Banion said.

“Placing ourselves into the conversation, in this way, was inappropriate.”

—Devin O'Banion ’20, Glee Club member

According to Sofia Laguarda ’20, the Glee Club’s current president, the piece “contained a lot of patronizing language and overtly violently racist text,” particularly portions of the text excerpted from the journals of 16th-century Spanish colonist Bartolome de las Casas. “It felt like we were calling Puerto Ricans different names.”

The Glee Club first discussed “Paradise” amongst themselves. Then, in October 2019, Negrón traveled from her Brooklyn studio to Yale to hold a part-workshop, part-conversation with the choir. According to Negrón, they wanted to better understand each other’s motivations and emotions so they could deliver a cohesive and powerful version of the piece.

Negrón said that in a new and highly personal work like “Paradise,” both composer and commissioner should be “open to getting into uncomfortable territory together through dialogue, but with the promise that respect is always at the forefront.” That everyone feels like their voices are heard and represented is “really, really essential,” she added.

After the group discussions, Negrón revised the piece and presented a second version to the Glee Club. She called the second version of her song — a reimagined version of paradise — more appropriate for the singers, without compromising her original artistic vision.

“It’s an extremely powerful thing to have a bit of perspective on what art is being made, and using that for the better instead of saying, ‘This isn’t the piece for us anymore, so we can’t program this,” said composer Alexis Lamb MUS ’20. “Everyone can grow from this opportunity. Instead of being divisive, we can build community.”

Since Delius died in 1934,  the YSO did not have the same opportunity with the “Florida Suite.” Even so, Lamb said that “there’s a lot of background research that can be done on the part of a programming committee or director to make sure that [a piece] is the right piece of the ensemble.”

Like the YSO, Douma also created a student-run committee with whom he could discuss concert programming decisions. The choir’s music advisory committee met for the first time in January 2020.

REPRESENTATIVE CONCERT PROGRAMMING

Only eight percent of the 4,000 works performed were written by women composers, and 16 percent by living composers. Yet works performed by Mozart and Beethoven alone comprised 15.5 percent.

These conversations among members of the YSO and the Glee Club are not unique. In recent years, ensembles across the world have brought attention to the lack of diversity in classical music concert programming. For example, in 2019, the Institute for Composer Diversity was created at the State University of New York at Fredonia. This research and advocacy organization is “committed to the celebration, education and advocacy of music created by composers from historically underrepresented groups including women, composers of color, LGBTQIA2S+ composers and disabled composers.”

The Institute for Composer Diversity created a database with music by underrepresented composers for performers, conductors and educators to use when programming more diverse concerts. According to the Institute, which tracked the concert programs of 120 major orchestras in the 2019–20 season, only eight percent of the 4,000 works performed were written by women composers, and 16 percent by living composers. Yet works performed by Mozart and Beethoven alone comprised 15.5 percent.

The institute provides these statistics to encourage orchestras to change their programming and better represent the current classical music field — which is more diverse than ever. For example, the Yale composition studio’s 13 members include six who identify as women. Lamb, a member of the Yale composition studio who serves on the institute’s executive council, said that the classical music industry is “moving in a positive direction.”

 THE ROLE OF A PROGRAMMING COMMITTEE

 The increasingly powerful push for representative concert programming — choosing repertoire that represents diversity in classical music beyond that of Western European men — gives some classical musicians hope that the field can break free from the Western canon. And programming committees can play a major role. The student programming committees recently established within the YSO and Glee Club help choose ensemble repertoire they consider meaningful and potentially influential for both ensemble and audience members.

“Having some sort of board for open communication [about repertoire] as opposed to all of the music being selected by one of two individuals would really make a difference and let people know that there is quality diverse repertoire out there,” Lamb said. “You just need to dig a little deeper or ask the right person for it.”

This season, the YSO’s programming committee focused on planning a contemporary music festival. The festival program included YSO and Glee Club performances, as well as pop-up, small-ensemble concerts in the Pierson common room and Afro-American Cultural Center. The committee sought to bring the orchestra’s programming outside of Woolsey Hall. Although the festival, scheduled for the weekend of March 27, was canceled due to the coronavirus outbreak, it would have featured works exclusively by female-identifying composers.

“We want to embrace all kinds of music and singing traditions because we are from all kinds of racial and ethnic backgrounds, and we can do that by deciding what we sing and how we approach it.”

—Isabella Zou ’22, Glee Club music advisory committee member

The YSO committee also researches potential repertoire. According to Michael, who now chairs the YSO’s committee, the “shock” value of the “Florida Suite” would not have been as explosive if students understood the piece’s context beforehand. Both Ekille and Michael said that prior research, presented by a programming committee, would have eased tensions within the orchestra.

These committees also consider a concert program’s holistic impact. According to Michael, putting the Delius piece in conversation with a piece such as Florence Price’s “Ethiopia’s Shadow in America” — Price was the first female Black composer to have a symphony premiered by a major orchestra — would achieve a more contextualized and balanced concert program.

The Glee Club’s music advisory committee contains representatives from all four undergraduate classes. Although, according to Laguarda, the committee is still in the process of defining how it can be most “useful,” its members have focused on discussing repertoire choices and facilitating communication between Douma and the choir. They also discuss how best to sing relevant and appropriate music from various cultures when touring internationally.

The YSO’s 2019–20 season programmed 15 major works. Eight works were written by non-male composers, and seven by living composers. Each of the orchestra’s four regular concerts included at least one work by a female composer. This is a break from history: out of the 40 works played in the previous three seasons, the ensemble performed four works by living composers and one work by a non-male composer. The 14 works in the Glee Club’s 2019–20 season repertoire include composers encompassing multiple genders, ethnicities and time periods. Next year, both ensembles’ committees hope to ensure thoughtfully and ethically curated concerts.

“We want to embrace all kinds of music and singing traditions because we are from all kinds of racial and ethnic backgrounds, and we can do that by deciding what we sing and how we approach it,” said Isabella Zou ’22, who is a member of the Glee Club’s music advisory committee.

Zou and Boughton noted that because the ensembles are, after all, student ensembles, the committees must consider what makes certain pieces enjoyable and rewarding for student performers.

CONTINUING THE CONVERSATION

Concert programming is “a bit like a chef making a fantastic five-course meal,” Boughton said. “Each course needs to be different, and they need to complement each other.”

Zou, Boughton, Ekille and Michael all said balance is the most important factor when programming a concert. A concert must balance emotional characteristics, composer identities and other musical factors: melody, harmony, rhythm, orchestration, timbre, technical challenges and logistics.

With representative concert programming, ensembles have looked for another kind of balance: the balance between what is in the Western canon and what is not.

“By mixing it up, you’re able to support groups that haven’t really gotten support from classical musicians or classical music before,” Ekille said. “That will retain audiences and draw new ones.”

Boughton contrasted student ensembles at institutions like Yale with professional orchestras. Student ensembles do not have to worry as much about audience reception, because their total funding is not dominated by ticket revenue.

“There are pressures on professional orchestras to fill the halls,” Boughton said. “If you do too much contemporary music, will the conservative audiences walk away?” According to Boughton, that question is valid for professional ensembles to ask.

Thus, students have more freedom to experiment with programming and can lead the industry in promoting representation.

Yet the goal of representative programming does not give ensembles the liberty to tokenize certain groups of composers.

“More representative programming is not just about needing more of this ‘kind’ of person,” O’Banion said. “Yes, we need more of this kind of person in the program, but what context can we bring? How can we understand it differently?”

Michael emphasized the need to place the works on a concert program — especially a diverse program — in conversation with one another.

Lee Dionne ’11 MUS ’13 ’19, pianist for the award-winning Merz Trio, agreed. In 2019, Merz Trio won the Fischoff and Concert Artist Guild competitions. He said that concerts should have a “narrative through line.”

But when that narrative through line is the composers’ identities, School of Music professor and composer Hannah Lash MUS ’12 warns that this could lead to tokenism.

“I don’t believe in ghettoizing,” Lash said. “I know that isn’t the impulse. I know that the impulse is more to try to correct the historic, systemic imbalance that’s part of the field. At the same time, I don’t believe music is gendered and feel that when I write music I have the privilege of transcending myself in the service of what I’m doing.”

“By mixing it up, you’re able to support groups that haven’t really gotten support from classical musicians or classical music before. That will retain audiences and draw new ones.”

—Epongue Ekille ’21, current YSO president

The YSO’s March 27 concert would have done exactly that: the event would have presented works exclusively by female composers, as a part of Yale’s 50WomenAtYale150 celebration.

But Lamb sees this type of representation — even though some may see it as a form of tokenizing — as a necessary step toward representative concert programming, noting that “we have to go through a messy period before things get better.”

Ensembles and composers both note that the canon is not in danger of disappearing. Because the Western classical music tradition features many dead European men, today’s new music often cannot avoid building on the foundation they have created. Lash said she grew up loving much music in the canon, and her current compositions are influenced by it.

Since much of the current classical music repertoire has been programmed — and loved — by audiences for centuries, ensembles want to program this music for audience enjoyment.

“There’s more choral music written by white men than there is by anybody else, and that’s just a matter of who has had access to it for the last [couple of] centuries,” O’Banion said. Because of this, O’Banion noted that lots of “good” classical music comes from this large pool of repertoire, and it will take time to amass a comparably large body of work from diverse voices.

For music directors and members of programming committees, the goal is to eventually choose programs based solely on how much they like the music. Without explicitly looking at composer demographics, they hope that these programs will happen to represent a diverse array of composers.

Musicians will not have to force a certain distribution upon a concert program. They will play the music they believe in.

Correction, April 16: The original version of this article stated that the Institute for Composer Diversity was founded in 2016. A group of graduate students created a framework for the organization in 2016, but the Institute was founded in 2019. The article has also been updated to reflect that the catalog represents a broader range of underrepresented composers — rather than just non-white and non-male composers — and to clarify that Lamb’s composition studio is the Yale composition studio.

UP CLOSE
Yale Online: Can a remote education compare?

Teaching in the Ivy League may have changed more in the past month than ever before.

Published on April 14, 2020

In front of a crowded bookshelf, history professor David Blight stands alone.

What was once taught in a packed lecture hall is now taught in an empty room, save for Blight and a masked camera operator. It’s his fourth recorded lecture on the Civil War. It’s the “Corona semester,” he says. A bright red bandana keeps slipping off his face.

“This is my handmade scarf,” he says to the camera, holding his bandana — a necessity during a global pandemic. “I wear it when I’m out in stores and so on.”

For the rest of the lecture, Blight’s scarf sits offscreen, as he speaks on the final days of the Civil War and the birth of Reconstruction. It’s a crisis that he knows well — one that is in many ways different than the pandemic currently ripping through the nation and the world. 

But in the next video, the camera operator is gone. Blight stands unmasked, and teaches in his office on a Zoom call that’s set to be recorded and sent to students. Even having a cameraman in the same room, he said, was too dangerous. He greets his students with a sigh.

“I just want to wish you all, uh, good health out there,” he says. “I hope you’re all hanging in there.”

Instead of Henry R. Luce Hall, Blight’s lectures are now heard across the world. Instead of in-person section meetings, his students talk on Zoom. Fears over the spread of the novel coronavirus have shuttered University programs, tightened Yale purse strings and moved many of its signature courses online for the first time. Pushed out from campus, Yale students now Zoom into classes or watch prerecorded videos like Blight’s, transitioning to a virtual reality few colleges are accustomed to but most are experiencing.

But for a University that prides itself on its campus amenities, from communal residential colleges to stately lecture halls, the Yale education, like those of its peers in global pandemic, has become unable to offer students the same experience they had just months ago. Interviews with over a dozen administrators, students and faculty members describe a University greatly changed, as courses and programs struggle to survive in light of the novel coronavirus outbreak and economic downturn. Yale students and faculty have worked to adapt — rapidly changing their curriculum through doctored syllabi amid unprecedented shifts in the College’s grading policies.

Online classes — hardly the preferred mode of academic learning at a traditional institution like Yale — are now the norm. In little over a month, the virus has challenged the higher education system, called its value into question and altered its system for evaluating student performance. But as Yale waits out this pandemic along with the world around it, still some are left to wonder how long the restrictions will last — and how far-reaching an impact they may have on the University.

ONLINE CLASSES AREN’T NEW. THIS IS.

French professor Alice Kaplan has taught about plague and crisis before. Now the chair of the French Department, she has taught some of France’s hallmark texts following the Great Recession and, now, teaches amid a global pandemic that has infected around two million people across the globe.

But the impacts of this crisis are markedly different, and her plans for the semester have shifted. The syllabus for her course “The Modern French Novel,” crafted well before the pandemic, includes Albert Camus’s The Plague — a 1947 novel about a virus that rips through a small French village in Algeria. She said she cannot teach the book like she has in the past.

“I could not use the same lecture I used before,” she said.  Isolation is a key theme in the novel. But the coronavirus outbreak, she said, which has forced much of the world’s population inside of their homes, seems quite comparable. “We’re living through a more radical isolation.”

Even when Yale was briefly dismissed amid fears of a British invasion during the Revolutionary War — which eventually happened in 1779 — University leaders encouraged students to live and study with their tutors further inland. Some could later stay home and study from books, but they had to pass an exam to advance. Facing crises yet again in the 20th century, Yale took alternate measures — shipping its students-turned-soldiers abroad and shortening the time it took to receive a University degree. The Spanish Flu, which erupted in 1918, forced Yale to cancel all on-campus public meetings, forbid community members from interacting with New Haven residents and isolated students and professors. Only a handful of Yale students died from the virus, thanks in part to the military’s presence at the University after World War I and its strict regulations. And following World War II, Yale’s lecture halls surged with veterans armed with G.I. Bill benefits — according to a YaleNews article, some 8,000 students came to the University in 1945. Most were service members.

While this pandemic has caused one of Yale’s most drastic responses yet, not all of the changes are new. Yale professors have made brief dips into online learning through Massively Open Online Courses on websites like Coursera. Anyone with a stable internet connection can now, for a fee, be a Yale “student.” From “Introduction to Psychology” to “Roman Architecture” to “The Science of Well-Being,” enrollees can read, listen and learn from the University’s top professors — all without earning a degree.

Harvard professor David Malan sees the value in online learning. His computer science survey course “CS50” is almost entirely taught online — from the lectures to the problem sets. Aside from an all-night Hackathon and weekly section meetings, students can complete nearly the whole course from their computer. Yale has its own successful version of the program — which had nearly 230 enrollees last fall according to Yale’s Course Demand Statistics.

Malan told the News that the course’s use of technology is “additive, not subtractive” for most students.

“After all, it’s so common for all of us to miss or misunderstand some detail in class, particularly when classes are long, if not dense,” he wrote. “Even the simplest of features online, though, allow students to rewind, fast-forward, pause and look up related resources.”

Still, five senior Yale professors interviewed by the News by and large consider online classes as no substitute for a University environment, with its face-to-face interaction, dorm-room conversations and strolls through the Sterling stacks.

Kaplan and Blight are two of many professors across the University whose classes — and teaching styles — have drastically changed in light of the coronavirus outbreak. But this move has also brought unintended consequences. Students are less engaged, said Maurice Samuels, a French professor and Kaplan’s co-instructor. Reading attracts less focus. Attention spans thin, Samuels added.

“It’s not ideal. I would be very, very sad if we had to do this for more than these few weeks,” he said. “A lot is lost from not being there in person.”

A CLUNKIFICATION

Philosophy professor Shelly Kagan teaches some of Yale’s most popular introductory philosophy courses, including “Moral Skepticism” and “Introduction to Ethics.” His students call him Shelly. He sometimes starts his lectures sitting cross-legged on a wooden table in the front of the room. On a normal day — that is, when classes are in-person — he will walk from one end of the room to the other to connect different arguments to physical locations. Near the door, nihilism; moral noncognitivism in the center; another toward the windows. He maps arguments on the blackboard. And while he’s teaching, Kagan said he likes to see his students’ faces to see what clicked — and what needs more explaining.

Kagan can lecture in front of hundreds, even thousands, he said. But for the seasoned professor, Zoom conferences have proven challenging.

“I don’t know whether my jokes are falling flat. But more importantly, I don’t know how my ideas are coming across.”

—Shelly Kagan, philosophy professor

The lighting is different in everyone’s video feed, he explained. Someone forgets to mute their mic. There’s a delay over the internet — however small — that does not happen in-person. Minor inconveniences, he said, “but it adds up.”

Video conferencing software “clunkifies” teaching, he said. “I can do this in this tiny little box you’re seeing,” he told the News via Zoom call, his hands poised eagerly in front of a web-camera, “but it’s a lot different. I find it very clunky.”

Kagan was one of the first Yale professors to upload a course online, for free, to the public. Called “Death,” his Spring 2007 lectures were recorded and distributed on Youtube the following year. Its first video has over 1 million views.

One semester, Kagan said he taught his “Death” course to a class that included a dying student who later passed away during the semester. When he recounts his experience to later classes, he said, the lecture hall goes silent. 

From a Zoom conference call, where he can only see a small section of his students through the user interface, Kagan predicts those moments happening online would be far more difficult. 

“I don’t know whether my jokes are falling flat,” he said. “But more importantly, I don’t know how my ideas are coming across.”

One of the more major changes at Yale this semester has already happened. After weeks of debate and three surveys, Yale College Dean Marvin Chun announced students would forgo letter grades this semester and instead adopt a binary “pass” or “fail” policy for all classes.
Many students celebrated the change. A Yale College Council poll conducted late last month revealed that nearly 70 percent of its 4,544 respondents supported a similar “universal pass/no-credit” policy. Advocates emailed professors and spread petitions, inspiring similar movements across the nation.

But the policy was a tougher sell among Yale’s faculty members. An initial survey of 340 faculty members showed only 28 percent supported the change late last month. Following two meetings and another survey, Universal Pass/Fail was adopted with 55 percent of 536 faculty respondents’ approval. While the universal system did attain majority support, three professors interviewed by the News said they fear students will check out of their classes, knowing they are likely to pass.

Computer science senior lecturer James Glenn told the News that the change comes just as his store of material he had prepared over spring break had run out. Glenn teaches “Algorithms,” a lecture course that counts over 100 enrolled students. Now that the policy has changed, he wrote, “I fear they’ll disengage just as we’re getting to some of the most important topics in the Algorithms course.”

Some faculty were more optimistic. History professor Anders Winroth, who teaches the popular “Vikings” lecture, wrote in an email to the News that he does not think things will change dramatically.

“Students who are devoted to learning will want to continue as they have before,” he wrote. “Again, the real change is for those whose lives have changed fundamentally.”

A FUNDAMENTAL CHANGE?

Some professors have decided to forgo live discussions entirely, since many professors have broad discretion over how to run class in the time of pandemic. Still, the pandemic poses challenges far graver than just a shifted schedule. 

History professor Carlos Eire, who now records his lectures in advance, has made a contingency plan for his teaching assistants to follow in case he gets sick, he said. Since his age group is vulnerable to COVID-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus, these lectures are held virtually in what he calls “the vault:” a repository of class files that can be accessed without him.

“If I do come down with it,” he said, “I want to make sure I have the lectures [there].”

Yale’s older professors are especially vulnerable to the disease caused by the coronavirus outbreak. According to data from the Centers for Disease Control, COVID-19 hospitalizes between an estimated 31 and 59 percent of senior citizens aged 65 to 84 who contract the disease. For a faculty population that skews older, the threat of the virus brings further questions over how the Faculty of Arts and Sciences will deal with potential loss of life — slightly less than one-third of FAS ladder faculty fall into this vulnerable population group, FAS Dean Tamar Szabó Gendler told the News.

Gendler asked all faculty to develop plans in case of sickness or caretaking late last month. Among the guidelines, the Dean recommended that professors nominate another instructor in their subject area to take over their classes should they be unable to instruct them.

“Putting such contingency plans in place is difficult but necessary, and it is my hope that all of us remain in good health,” she wrote to faculty on March 27. “However, I also hope that putting contingency plans in place now can alleviate some anxiety and uncertainty in the weeks ahead.”

Gendler also provided accommodations for tenure-track faculty in recent weeks, extending their tenure clocks by one year for most professors in response to the coronavirus’s chill on University research. But those on the lower rungs of the academic ladder — graduate students and instructional faculty — said they have yet to see their concerns assuaged.

“If I do come down with it, I want to make sure I have the lectures [there].”

—Carlos Eire, history professor

Lecturers and other contract instructors account for much of the FAS. These non-tenure-track, instructional faculty members have renewable contracts, and their work with the University provides healthcare. But faced with a provost-imposed hiring freeze until July 2021, some of these instructors may soon find themselves unemployed — and without health benefits — in the time of a global pandemic.

Instructional faculty members have begun to circulate a petition across the University to extend or renew their appointments through the next academic year. So far, according to one such faculty member, over 800 people have signed it. Provost Strobel did not respond to a request for comment.

“We ask that the University administration make good on its word by using its considerable resources to extend the appointments of existing instructional faculty by one year,” the petition states. “These acts literally could be life-saving.”

A YALE ONLINE

Before Peter Salovey assumed his position as University President in 2013, he told the New York Times that he saw online classes as a potential University priority for the future. Under his leadership, he anticipated that Yale would adopt a “deliberate strategy for giving the riches of Yale, the wealth of Yale, away” — a goal aided by broader availability of online learning, he explained.

Eight faculty members interviewed by the News said that this crisis is their first experience with online instruction and its challenges.

But Stanford University associate professor and expert on college innovation Mitchell Stevens said this time can be a testing ground for broader involvement in online education. As asynchronous learning options become more convenient and accessible to the general population, Yale can follow suit, he said.

“The mistake that a lot of academics in traditional classrooms make is they presume that every kind of instruction requires — and is best delivered — in person. We know that’s not the case,” he said. “Elite schools have been snobbish about this for some time.”

Not only are online classes better for some disciplines, Stevens said, but they are also far cheaper than in-person instruction. Grand lecture halls and intricate landscaping are less necessary when interaction with faculty members is limited through a webcam. Yale and other top-ranked institutions are not just selling an education, he explained, and they rely on the college experience to justify the price tag.

But when in-person contact is impossible and Yale’s libraries are closed, several faculty members told the News that distance learning has raised questions over the monetary value of a Yale education.

In an email to the News, FAS Dean of Undergraduate Education Pamela Schirmeister said that the University is not a distance-learning institution that “routinely and/or solely” educates students online, and that her team is working “as hard as we can” to make sure instruction continues in light of the pandemic.

“We cannot simply abandon any attempt to continue instruction,” she wrote. She pointed to a recent internal survey that showed faculty felt remote teaching was working “fairly well, given the circumstances.”

Stevens said he hopes the coronavirus crisis renews Yale’s interest in online courses — a cheap way to, as Salovey said in 2013, give Yale’s wealth away.

“We cannot simply abandon any attempt to continue instruction.”

—Pamela Schirmeister, FAS Dean of Undergraduate Education

“I don’t think we’re all going to just go back to normal in any institutional domain,” he said. “Wars and calamities change institutions, and this is certainly a calamity.”

Malan, the Harvard computer science professor referenced earlier, said that video conferencing “isn’t yet great.” Still, he added it has room for improvement, especially with advances in audio and video.

“In the meantime, it’s pretty good and surely, for some courses, more compelling than purely asynchronous experiences,” Malan said. “And, while we’re all pretty weary lately, I’m sure, of video conferencing itself, that won’t be the case forever, particularly once the technology gets out of the way and we can interact with each other all the more seamlessly digitally.”

That said, Malan also agreed that there’s a value in having a “shared, educational experience” in person. CS50’s lectures are still held at Harvard and at the start of Yale’s term. “Should more courses, then, leverage technology? Probably, if it makes sense and actually solves a problem,” he wrote.

Kagan, too, has wondered about the future of learning. Decades ago, when handheld calculators dropped enough in price to make owning one less expensive, he said he remembers asking similar questions. “Would this fundamentally alter the way we understand math?” he asked, holding a grey one of his own during a grainy Zoom call.

The same may be true for online classes, he said. But he may not be alive to see it: “Maybe it’s [that] old codgers like me die off while thinking person-to-person interaction is better,” he explained.

The coronavirus has scattered the Yale community. Still, the internet has kept faculty and students together — reading, opining, speaking and learning from online conference calls across the world. Meanwhile in New Haven, despite the worries and fears of a global pandemic, the tulips are still in bloom. Spring seems to march on even when few can see it.

In a recent Canvas post to students in the Civil War class, Blight pointed to the season with gentle optimism. He sent a recording of a cardinal chirping among tree branches, and a poem about a bluebird that still sings in a world where questions remain unanswered. 

“Nature is having its rebirth,” he wrote. “Our society will too.”

Abuse and fear at the Yeshiva of New Haven

Published on March 20, 2020

Rabbi Daniel Greer LAW ’64 was once a venerated leader for New Haven’s Orthodox Jews. Now, he’s serving a 20-year prison sentence for sexually abusing a student at the Yeshiva of New Haven — a case that stunned the community and laid bare the culture of abuse at his religious schools.

Editor’s Note: This article contains graphic descriptions of sexual misconduct.

In 1977, the future was auspicious for Rabbi Daniel Greer LAW ’64.

He’d recently returned to New Haven after several years living in Israel with his wife, Sarah, and their newborn son, Dov ’98. He would go on to forge a close relationship with Mayor Ben DiLieto; his resume boasted a stint as the New York City deputy commissioner of ports and terminals; he held degrees from Princeton University and Yale Law School. He was ready to lead New Haven’s Orthodox Jewish community as a bastion of change.

“People would talk about him almost with reverence,” said Columbia School of Journalism professor Ari L. Goldman, who grew up 10 years Greer’s junior in the same Orthodox Jewish neighborhood on the Upper West Side of New York City. “His accomplishments [seemed] so unattainable to a young man in the yeshiva world.”

That year, the Greers established the Gan School, the first of three schools in the Edgewood neighborhood, which claimed to offer rigorous schooling to students from across the country who would otherwise forgo a premier Jewish education.

Nearly 40 years later, three former students publicly accused Greer of sexually abusing them while they were students at the Yeshiva of New Haven, where he served as dean. One such allegation saddled him with over $20 million in damages and a 20-year prison sentence.

In May 2016, New Jersey retirement home manager Eliyahu Mirlis, 32, filed a lawsuit against Greer, 79, alleging that the rabbi had sexually abused him dozens of times between 2002 and 2005, while he was a student at the yeshiva. A civil jury found the rabbi liable in 2017, ordering him to pay $21.7 million in punitive and compensatory damages, as well as legal fees. After a weeklong criminal trial in September 2019, Greer was found guilty of four counts of risk of injury to a minor and sentenced to 20 years in prison — though he can seek parole after 12 years. A federal appeals court upheld the civil verdict on March 3. Today, he is serving time at a state prison in Cheshire, Connecticut.

Rabbi Aviad Hack ’97, a yeshiva alumnus and eventual administrator, along with another former student — who testified anonymously as R.S.A. during the criminal trial — have both accused Greer of sexually abusing them, which Greer denies.

Over the past four years, the Orthodox Jewish community in New Haven has been rocked by accusations of sexual misconduct against Greer — a man prominent in the Elm City not only for his role as a religious leader but also for his work revitalizing the Edgewood neighborhood through real estate development. For more than 30 years, Greer ran a trio of small Jewish schools: the Gan School, serving elementary-aged students; the Tikvah High School for Girls; and the Yeshiva of New Haven. The schools have all ceased operation since allegations against the rabbi first surfaced.

Conversations with former students, parents and New Haven residents paint a disturbing picture of life at Greer’s schools. While academically rigorous, the yeshiva operated under a strict set of rules imposed under Greer’s and Hack’s often-unforgiving hands. Students recount disproportionate consequences for minor transgressions and Greer’s and Hack’s frequent touching of select boys. Students and state prosecutors both described Greer’s treatment of vulnerable students as fitting into a pattern of grooming. Many students only attended for a year, either choosing to withdraw or facing expulsion.

“The more you saw, the more you saw the weird stuff,” said Lawrence Dressler, a parent of a former yeshiva student.

Central to the school’s culture was the personality of Greer, the founder, dean and ultimate downfall of the yeshiva. In an interview with the News, New Haven Independent editor Paul Bass ’82 described Greer as a “cult figure” — a man who commanded absolute respect in his insular community and inspired fear in students. He doled out harsh and unusual punishments and chose favorite — and least favorite — pupils. He hosted students in his home often and served them alcohol.

Attorneys representing Greer and Hack did not respond to requests for comment.

As dean, Greer was subject to virtually no oversight, sources say. He created an environment in which manipulation and secrecy were normal, where emotional and sexual abuse went unchecked for decades, largely undetected by outside adults.

By conducting interviews with over a dozen of Greer’s colleagues, students and survivors, and reviewing nearly 100 pages of testimony and other court records, it becomes possible to piece together the story of a man who once represented the future of Orthodox Judaism and now spends his days behind bars. He leaves in his wake a community grappling with a fallen leader and childhoods marked by his abuse.

‘Something of a celebrity’

As a young man, Greer heralded a dynamic new form of Orthodox Judaism for many in his tight-knit community. He grew up on the Upper West Side of New York City in the 1940s and 50s, raised by two Modern Orthodox Jews. He attended high school at Manhattan Talmudical Academy and graduated in 1956.

In August 2019, after the state of New York passed a new iteration of the Child Victims Act, sexual abuse lawsuits rained down on the school. Thirty-eight former students made claims of abuse at the hands of school rabbis spanning four decades and dating back to the 50s, when Greer was a student.

After attending Princeton and Yale Law, Greer married school teacher Sarah Bergman in 1971. In 1972, he ran an unsuccessful campaign for the Democratic nomination for Upper West Side district representative in the New York state assembly.

Goldman grew up in Greer’s neighborhood and worked as his campaign manager. Though they lost, Goldman described the campaign team as being “totally enamored of and devoted to” Greer. “He was something of a celebrity in the neighborhood,” he said.

Goldman described the Orthodox Jewish community he was raised in as “very provincial” and having “limited horizons.” He said that Greer’s academic and professional endeavors broke the mold, inspiring Goldman himself to pursue experiences beyond their neighborhood.

In the decades that followed, Greer’s religious beliefs shifted to the right.

He and Sarah founded the Gan School in 1977 with the help of Harold Hack GRD ’75 and Adelle Hack GRD ’72, parents of alleged survivor Aviad Hack. Though Greer maintained a law office in the school’s early years, his role as a religious and educational leader gradually became his primary one, the transition running parallel to his ideological evolution.

Greer’s daughter, Batsheva ’00, was the lead plaintiff in the “Yale Five” case of the late 1990s, in which a group of Jewish undergraduates sued the University. The students alleged that Yale’s housing policy requiring unmarried first years and sophomores to live in coed dormitories discriminated against Orthodox Jewish students. A federal appeals court ruled in Yale’s favor in December 2000.

Columbia journalism professor Samuel Freedman interviewed both father and daughter for his 1998 New York Times Magazine piece about the case. “He was a purist,” Freedman said. “He thought [there was] no compromise on this issue, and he was clear that he was the one driving [the case].”

The rabbi worked hard to control his public image. In 1998, Bass published a story in the now-defunct New Haven Advocate entitled “Fortress Greer.” In the wide-ranging article, Bass explored the real estate empire Greer had built in the Edgewood neighborhood and the many tax-credit programs and federal block grants he used to fund the enterprise.

New Haven residents whom Bass interviewed for the article said much about Greer, from his rigidity as a landlord to the 8-feet-tall fences he erected around his properties. But you never hear from the rabbi himself — in an interview with the News, Bass recalled multiple fruitless efforts to convince Greer to provide comment, including visits to the yeshiva. “He pushed me down the stairs,” Bass told the News of one such encounter, an incident he also mentioned in the 1998 story.

After the article’s publication, Bass claimed, Greer’s associates removed bundles of newspapers from distribution sites around the Elm City. Today, few copies remain.

‘They would break you down’

Little is definitive about the history of the Greer schools. Their online presence is thin and widely scattered. Several websites — hosted on platforms such as WordPress and Tumblr — once promoted the yeshiva, but none appear maintained today. In interviews, former students and parents provided differing years of operation for all three schools. Many recalled that only a handful of students populated each grade, often dwindling to six or seven pupils by the year’s end due to expulsions and withdrawals. In some years, they said, the only students in any given class were Greer’s grandchildren.

Most sources suggest that the Gan School was founded as a coed elementary school and gradually evolved into the Yeshiva of New Haven as its male students reached high school age. Its counterpart, the Tikvah High School for Girls, was founded in 1988. Both high schools housed students — many from outside of Connecticut — in dormitories converted from homes owned by Greer’s network of nonprofits.

The yeshiva was located at 765 Elm St. in the former Roger Sherman School building. It looms over all the other houses on the block, leaves of ivy curling around the window frames and up the red brick walls. Over the decades, Greer acquired over four dozen surrounding homes in the neighborhood, using several for student housing but renovating and renting out the rest.

For students, daily life at the yeshiva was dictated by an intense schedule and high expectations.

“There was no room for error,” said one former student, who requested anonymity for fear of retribution. “If you were one minute late for prayers, and showed up at 7:01 instead of 7:00 … Five minutes at breakfast, that’s the point at which … you’d miss breakfast altogether. You wouldn’t eat.”

Jake Dressler, who attended the yeshiva between 2007 and 2008, described the “very strict regimen”: After rising early for morning prayer, students ate breakfast together and attended a full day of classes, alternating between secular and religious coursework, often without a break until 9:00 p.m., when they would return to the dorms to study.

The yeshiva was academically rigorous and also atypical. According to one parent, who requested anonymity for fear of retribution, the school did not hold parent-teacher conferences. The parent said that there was virtually no communication between school administrators and guardians. “They wanted to do it their way and not be challenged by parents along the way,” they said.

Many former students described living in fear of Greer, saying his personality seemed to largely dictate school culture.

One alumnus who requested anonymity for fear of retribution described a man capable of switching between “a very sweet, caring side” and unchecked anger at a moment’s notice. He intimidated adults and adolescents alike.

Still, Greer and his colleagues made a compelling appeal to prospective students and families. Students often came to New Haven from out of state because their hometowns lacked strong Jewish high schools, and he pitched his schools as paragons of adolescent Jewish education. Once they arrived, however, many soon realized that little was typical about the Greer schools.

Several alumni from both the yeshiva and Tikvah stated that they felt school administrators had deliberately recruited students from households characterized by instability. In an interview, R.S.A. — who testified in Greer’s criminal trial and attended the yeshiva in the mid-2000s — said that growing up, he had endured “emotional, physical [and] mental abuse” at home.

“I only agreed to go to a school like [that] so far away from home because I was trying to run away … I was willing to go anywhere,” he said. “Everybody in that school had something they were running away from.”

At the yeshiva, minor infractions were met with time on the green chairs. Teachers sent students to the chairs — located in the lobby of the first floor of the 765 Elm St. building, outside the front office — for the slightest mistakes, so the experience became commonplace. For bigger transgressions, Jake Dressler said, administrators turned to the “Sabbath apartment.” Misbehaving students were forced to spend entire weekends in the Greer-owned apartment, with other students delivering their meals.

School administrators kept a tight grip on their students’ personal lives. They were not allowed to leave campus without permission. They could never walk around New Haven alone. “Secular” possessions, such as radios, were not allowed in the dorms. Former Tikvah student Naomi Klein said that personal belongings frequently went missing from their rooms following random searches conducted by dorm counselors — staff who lived in the dorms.

Students received little respite, only permitted to return home a handful of times each year. Former Tikvah student Sara Rosenberg recounted a situation in which another student requested permission to go home for the high Jewish holidays to support her parents during their impending divorce.

“They told her, ‘If you leave and your parents come get you, you will not be able to come back.’ And she left and was not able to come back,” Rosenberg said.

In some instances, school administrators’ decisions about discipline — or lack thereof — had life-threatening implications for students. During Hack’s July 2016 deposition, prosecutors questioned him about an incident where a yeshiva student was allegedly transported to Yale New Haven Hospital after consuming too much alcohol at Hack’s home. “[Greer] is known for serving alcohol to people who are under age,” Hack said in the deposition.

Rosenberg described another situation in which a classmate went into anaphylactic shock, and Tikvah dorm counselors refused to help her. When the girls took it upon themselves to call 911, they asked the ambulance operators to silence their sirens and dim their lights, but school administrators found out anyway. The next day, the sick student was expelled. Administrators told the Tikvah girls not to tell their parents and removed all phones from the dorms.

“I mean, you’re 14,” Rosenberg said. “[So] it’s a little bit scary that you’re told not to tell your parents stuff that you know happened at school.”

In interviews, former students wrestled with the complicated question of their net experience at the Greer schools. One source said that she got an “amazing education” from Tikvah, a sentiment echoed by several other students.

Still, nearly every student interviewed characterized the school culture as abusive.

“It’s pretty sick and twisted, honestly,” R.S.A. said. “[They would] break you down mentally and emotionally and then they [would] fill the void.”

Greer’s survivors

Jake Dressler and other students recalled taking weekly trips to the swimming pool in Yale’s Payne Whitney Gymnasium during his year at the yeshiva. In the locker room, Jake said, Hack, the chaperone, changed clothes with his students. He said that he “didn’t know adults were allowed to get naked in front of children.”

The behavior fit into a disconcerting pattern of Greer and Hack acting inappropriately with students. Lawrence Dressler, Jake’s father, said that both administrators always “had [their] hands all over” certain boys — an assertion several former students corroborated.

Once, Lawrence said, Hack nibbled on Jake’s ear in a classroom, a statement Jake corroborated and Hack confirmed in a deposition. The younger Dressler said he pulled away from Hack so quickly that the teacher’s teeth left a scratch on his ear.

“We were so young, we were like 13, 14,” Jake said. “It didn’t even cross our minds to tell an adult.”

Moments like these, though, belied a much more alarming trend of sexual abuse of male students, allegedly spanning nearly two decades, traversing state lines and shattering a small but tight-knit community.

To date, three former yeshiva students have publicly accused Greer of sexually abusing them while they were at the school. While only one, Mirlis, has sought legal remedy, both Hack and R.S.A. testified to their abuse at the rabbi’s hands during the civil and criminal proceedings. R.S.A. also described his experience in an interview with the News last year.

In a 2016 deposition taken prior to the civil trial, Hack told attorneys that his relationship with Greer became sexual in the spring of 1991 or 1992, after Greer first inappropriately touched Hack — who was then 16 or 17 — in the basement of a house he owned.

Hack grew up in a house just down the street from the rabbi’s. His parents helped the Greers found the Gan School, and his father, Harold, would serve on the board of directors for the yeshiva for decades. As a boy, Hack said, he had “tremendous respect, reverence, awe” for Greer.

Later in the relationship, the rabbi would allegedly tell Hack that it had been difficult for him to avoid touching his student before his 16th birthday — the age of consent in Connecticut.

Hack told attorneys that sexual encounters between the two took place in Greer-owned properties in the Edgewood neighborhood and in hotels and motels around Connecticut and in Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Missouri. Greer often checked into hotels under the name Daniel Green, he said, and paid in cash, wearing a hat to conceal his identity.

“[Over] time it became part of the way life was,” Hack said in a deposition. “You know, I got up in the morning, the sun has this habit, it rises in the east every single day. And [I had] a meeting with Daniel Greer every single week.”

The only weeks without meetings, Hack said, were between the Jewish holidays of Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur and also during the Nine Days, when some observant Jews refrain from bathing.

Their relationship allegedly remained sexual for over a dozen years, until Hack married his wife in 2004.

Occasionally, he told prosecutors, he tried to voice his unhappiness to Greer. He described one sexual encounter during which the rabbi asked Hack why he was upset. Hack told him that from a modern-day perspective, students of history understood that World War II had ended in 1945. “But when a person was in the concentration camp in 1943, they didn’t know that the war was going to end in 1945,” Hack said he told the rabbi. “From their perspective, they might have to endure this hell forever. I said I [felt] like that.”

He remembered Greer growing angry. “You compared me to a Nazi.”

Hack said fear deterred him from cutting off the relationship as a student or young adult — fear of Greer’s anger, of the repercussions of his perceived disloyalty. He said he feared “losing [his] specialness” and the potentially negative impact on his family if he fell out of favor with the esteemed rabbi.

“In the grand scheme of things, is it really worth taking everything down, destroying everything over this?” Hack said he asked himself.

By the time his own relationship with Greer ended, Hack said in his deposition, he had been aware of a sexual relationship between the rabbi and Mirlis — then a junior in high school — for at least a year, beginning in the fall of 2003, during his third year working as an administrator at the yeshiva. He said that he “saw all the signs,” that Greer was taking “too much of an interest” in the student.

Still, Hack maintained in his deposition that he wasn’t aware of mandatory reporter laws — which in Connecticut require professionals in contact with children through their line of work to report any suspicion of imminent or ongoing child abuse or neglect — until “a number of years later.”

In the September 2019 criminal trial, prosecutors estimated that Mirlis endured at least 106 instances of abuse between the fall of 2002 and the summer of 2006, when they had a final sexual encounter the year after his graduation.

“That’s what I do with my kids,” prosecutors said Greer told Mirlis after their first encounter at his Elm Street home, during which the rabbi fed Mirlis nuts and wine, kissing him and groping his crotch. “It’s fine. Don’t worry about it.”

Greer’s relationship with Mirlis was well documented by the New Haven Independent, which followed both court cases closely between 2016 and 2019. Witness testimony painted a picture of a dynamic discomfitingly similar to the one allegedly between Greer and Hack — a relationship characterized by psychological manipulation and untold emotional damage wrought on the survivor.

During Greer’s December 2019 sentencing, Senior Assistant State’s Attorney Maxine Wilensky read a statement in court written by Mirlis. Mirlis wrote that he still struggles with post-traumatic stress disorder and will never recover from the abuse Greer inflicted upon him. He wrote that he would happily return the financial settlement if it meant he could “turn back the clock and relive [his] childhood.”

The last instance of sexual abuse Greer has been publicly accused of occurred in 2008. R.S.A. was a 12-year-old freshman at the yeshiva at the time.

“Plausible deniability,” R.S.A. said. “That’s what it started off as.”

He described small instances of touching that could be chalked up to innocent mistakes — an easily denied, accidental brush of the backside, for example.

One evening, he said that Greer invited him to celebrate a minor academic success by taking a walk in Edgewood Park together. He said the rabbi asked his 12-year-old student what he liked to drink: whiskey, vodka, tequila or wine?

Wine, R.S.A. supposed.

The pair sat together on a bench in a moment similar to Mirlis’ first encounter with Greer. Greer fed R.S.A. nuts and wine, and then he attempted to kiss him, R.S.A. alleged.

“It’s kind of shitty when the first kiss you get is an old dude trying to stick his tongue down your throat while you have a mouthful of peanuts,” R.S.A. said.

He said that he did not tell anybody about that night for over two years. The societal norms he grew up with still dictated that it was “the worst thing in the world” to be gay, and he was embarrassed about what had happened. Prior to the incident, Greer had made him feel like he was his favorite student. Like he was special.

Justice served?

On Elm Street, the red brick building stands vacant, leaves of ivy crawling up the walls. It isn’t outwardly obvious that the property ever housed a yeshiva — the building’s edifice still reads “Roger Sherman School” in bold capital letters. Still, if you peer through the window of the locked front door, you can see “Yeshiva of New Haven” etched into an interior entrance.

Today, Greer sits in the Cheshire Correctional Institution, a state prison for men 30 minutes from the yeshiva. He is carrying out a 20-year sentence, to be suspended after serving 12. A federal jury in Hartford ordered Greer in May 2017 to pay $21.7 million following Mirlis’ lawsuit against him. According to Mirlis, he has yet to collect the $15 million in compensatory damages his abuser owes him.

Greer initially faced eight charges in the September 2019 criminal trial: four counts of second-degree sexual assault and four counts of risk of injury to a minor. On the last full day of the trial, however, Superior Court Judge Jon Alandar dropped the sexual assault charges after the defense moved to acquit because they exceeded Connecticut’s five-year statute of limitations.

Two days later, after roughly seven hours of deliberations, a six-person jury returned their verdict: guilty on all counts.

Some of Greer’s staunchest supporters maintained his innocence even after closing arguments. Rabbi Avrohom Notis, who used to run his yeshiva out of Greer’s Elm City facility, told the News during the September trial that it would be a “travesty of justice” for Greer to be convicted.

Still, others familiar with the case expressed relief at the rabbi’s sentence.

“I’m glad that motherfucker’s in jail,” Jake Dressler said.

Now, many are left to reckon with the aftermath of a case that stunned New Haven’s Orthodox Jewish community.

Among many questions that have yet to be answered is whether other adults in the yeshiva’s administration were aware of Greer’s behavior. Dressler said that he was confident the “secular teachers” — part-time instructors who taught English or math — had no idea about the abuse, sexual or emotional, taking place behind the scenes.

A parent of a former yeshiva student said that many in the community feel betrayed by the rabbi, to whom they entrusted their children’s education and well-being. A former student said that the community Greer worked so hard to build has “all [come] tumbling down” with the scandal.

“It was still shocking, it was sad,” Goldman said. “You know, [he] was a golden boy who had so much potential and so much promise.”

In an interview with the News, Mirlis said that he viewed the guilty verdict as a “monumental step” towards finding closure. “[The] goal is for other victims to have the courage to come forward and to hopefully get their day of justice.”

UP CLOSE:
With success against the spread, Yale men’s basketball wins support of sports bettors

Published on March 5, 2020

Sports betting has created an unusual source of national attention for the Bulldogs this season, as angry strangers comment critically on players’ social media accounts and the Yale program as a whole still feels underestimated.

Dave Portnoy, brazen internet celebrity, pizza critic and founder of Barstool Sports, placed his bet at 3:59 p.m. on Saturday, Nov. 23, 2019.

At the time, most in New Haven concentrated on the Yale football team, which trailed Harvard by 14 in the fourth quarter at the Yale Bowl. But Portnoy made his pick on Yale men’s basketball, selecting the Elis to defeat Big Ten opponent Penn State. The wager? $10,000, submitted a minute before tipoff at 4 p.m. as the teams finalized preparations for their Saturday afternoon showdown in State College, Pennsylvania.

And for the next two hours, Portnoy likely sat on the edge of his seat, gaining faith in his decision as the game progressed. The Bulldogs led 31–21 at halftime, while football fans stormed the field after Yale’s double-overtime comeback at The Game in distant New Haven. The Elis’ advantage held strong into the second, expanding to as much as 16 in the half as guard Azar Swain ’21 poured in a game-high 24 points. With 3:32 to play and a 56–46 Yale lead, Portnoy’s payoff of $82,500 seemed imminent, until a 12–0 run from the Nittany Lions allowed them to escape with a 58–56 win in the closing minutes. Portnoy did not respond to a request for comment.

An angry video and a screenshot of the late-game play-by-play publicized his failed bet to 1.1 million followers. “@YaleMBasketball killed me,” Portnoy’s Twitter bio read for the next month. Captain and guard Eric Monroe ’20 heard about the burst of online activity when he checked his phone afterwards.


“For a guy who probably doesn’t know much about college basketball, I don’t know why he’s placing $10,000 on a game,” Monroe said. “It was kind of a weird thing to take in after a game because we were obviously so disappointed. We had that game more than secured as a win… [it was] funny but very depressing, because that would’ve been a very important win for us. [The betting] is funny and amusing to me, but it’s also a lot of people who just use it as a way to get angry.”

The wager, in many ways, only marked the beginning of sports bettors’ obsession with Yale basketball this season. Two-and-a-half weeks later, the Bulldogs ranked as the most “profitable” team of the 353 programs in NCAA Division I men’s basketball — Yale had covered the spread, the sports books’ projected outcome for the result, in nine of their 10 games. Although oddsmakers have adjusted their spreads during Ivy League play, Yale remains in the top decile of “profitable” college basketball squads. Their 17–9 record “against the spread” nearly matches its 20–6 overall mark in DI contests. The betting has given the Elis an unusual source of national attention as they seek another Ancient Eight title.

Regulations around sports betting and its legality have shifted rapidly in recent years, and Yale players accustomed to an average of 1,500 home supporters each game are caught in the middle of the betting flux. Gaming publications preview money lines and predictions about the team online, angry strangers comment critically on players’ social media accounts, and the Eli program as a whole — the often profit-generating product for an increasingly national betting audience — still feels underestimated.

A CHANGING LANDSCAPE

Across the country, the approach of the NCAA Tournament coincides with an influx of sports betting. According to a 2019 report from the American Gaming Association (AGA), fans were expected to wager around $8.5 billion dollars on March Madness last year. 47 million Americans intended to bet on the event, with an increasing portion, 4.1 million, anticipating the use of regulated, legal apps or casino sportsbooks. According to AGA President Bill Miller, fans expected to bet 40 percent more on the 2019 NCAA Tournament than they did on the Super Bowl that year, and for the first time in decades, many could do it legally.

A May 2018 Supreme Court decision in Murphy v. National Collegiate Athletic Association struck down the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act of 1992 (PASPA) on the basis of the 10th Amendment. Mark Hichar ’81, a Boston-based shareholder of the Greenberg Traurig law firm and an adjunct professor in gaming law at the University of New Hampshire’s Franklin Pierce School of Law, said concerns about game fixing and point-shaving scandals inspired PASPA. The law essentially outlawed sports betting nationwide except for in Nevada, but Hichar said an illegal sports betting market with annual betting handles between $50 and $300 billion persisted.

PASPA was also known as the Bradley Act, named after former Princeton basketball star and then-U.S. Sen. Bill Bradley.

“[PASPA] put the onus on the states, it commanded them not to pass these laws, and it was on that basis that it was struck down by the Supreme Court,” Hichar said. “[After the ruling, Delaware was] the first state to allow sports betting within their boundaries. New Jersey followed soon after. As we speak, somewhere around 20 states, including the District of Columbia, have authorized sports betting.”

Hichar said that of those 20, about seven have yet to put their laws into effect, since they have yet to pass the regulations necessary for implementation.

Tribal conflicts with Mohegan Sun and Foxwoods have complicated the legalization process in Connecticut, where sports betting remains illegal, Hichar added. Rhode Island, where Yale defeated Brown in January, is one state that has legalized mobile sports betting. Brothers Dave and Cam Rosa cheered on Yale from the first row at Brown’s Pizzitola Sports Center.

The two Providence locals said being able to bet on the contest was “the final straw” that brought them to buy tickets and watch. Unfamiliar with any names on the Yale roster, they supported players by their numbers instead. With the win, Yale improved its record against the spread to 13–3.

“Numbers don’t lie,” Dave Rosa said. “You gotta score points. Johnson and Wales, [Yale] beat them by 50. You can play basketball one way or another if you beat a team by 50.”

Except for Massachusetts and Connecticut, some form of sports betting is legal in all states where Yale plays Ivy League games. Massachusetts is currently considering legislation that would make sports betting lawful.

Hichar said a large illegal market for sports betting still exists, making data on betting handles hard to estimate and verify, but legalization has also helped detect small instances of tampering and betting irregularity (in tennis matches, for example) through digital oversight of wagers. For the Elis, that’s not a concern.

“I don’t really care about what anybody else is doing,” forward Jordan Bruner ’20 said. “That doesn’t affect me at all honestly. If people are making assumptions that we’re going to lose a lot because we play a high-major team, then they probably don’t see us play very often because we got a lot of high-major athletes and a lot of high-major talents… We know what we have in the locker room and we know we’re going to come out and compete and just play as hard as we can. Wherever the chips fall is where they fall.”

A decade or two ago, when the only legal point-spread betting took place in Nevada, accessible, updated information about Ivy League basketball teams was hard to find. When betting against the spread, one bets that a team will not just win or lose, but will do so by a certain margin that oddsmakers at sports books set prior to the game, increasingly through the use of algorithms.

A New York Times story from 2009 documented the habits of professional bettors who occasionally bet on the Ivy League in Las Vegas. One of them, Alan Boston, subscribed to Ivy League student newspapers for the latest updates on each team and its roster. Because the papers do not publish on Saturdays, he told the Times that he avoided betting on the Ancient Eight’s Saturday games, the second legs of back-to-back weekends often filled with unpredictability. Wagering on lower-profile Ivy League teams could offer sports bettors with the right information a unique advantage.

“When there is imperfect information, people exploit that,” Hichar said. “People don’t tend to know the teams in the Ivy League as well as they know those in the SEC, with the result that the spreads for the Ivy League game, probably, are of lesser quality than the spread for other games where they have known teams. I think that that tends to attract bettors who believe they have better knowledge than the people who are setting the spread. So if you think the spread is ridiculous because Yale is not going to lose to North Carolina by 20 points… [that] attracts money to games where there’s a perception that there’s imperfect knowledge.”

“We know what we have in the locker room and we know we’re going to come out and compete and just play as hard as we can. Wherever the chips fall is where they fall.”

—Forward Jordan Bruner ’20

Yale lost to the Tar Heels by three in December, 70–67covering a spread that the sports booksset at 6.5. Today, while larger programs continue to receive more coverage than the Elis, access to online statistics has decreased the information gap. Still, Yale plays on national television far less than the average Power Five conference team, and sports books do not accept bets for the game or two Yale plays against DIII competition each year. This season, sports books did not set money lines for Yale’s games with Oberlin and Johnson and Wales.

Hichar, who lived in Ezra Stiles when he was a student, often walked across the street to Payne Whitney for games. He and his friends played a lot of bridge, he said, but betting was nowhere on their minds. Easy access to mobile betting — legal and illegal — has changed that for some Yale students today. The NCAA prohibits all of its student-athletes from engaging in sports betting at any level, and while sports betting remains unlawful in Connecticut, illegal online betting is extremely common.

Andrew, a Yale sophomore who does not play a varsity sport and preferred not to share his last name with the News, has bet on the Bulldogs twice this season. He lost $10 when Harvard beat Yale by a point in February and won $15 when the Elis dominated Princeton on the road a week later.

“Especially if it’s not high stakes, I feel like for me it’s definitely just the adrenaline rush of it,” he said. “Being able to say like, ‘Oh my god, I have a little bit of a stake in this game,’ it’ll make it more enjoyable for me to watch, and I think it allows me to understand the mechanics of the game a lot better as well just because I’m paying more attention.”

BETTING ON THE BULLDOGS

Head coach James Jones thinks success against the spread speaks to a perception battle the Bulldogs perpetually face. The casual fan rarely associates Yale, which has ranked top 50 in the nation for much of this season, with a strong basketball program.

“The part that hits me is that we’re always being doubted,” Jones said. “One of my former statistical guys sent me something about us being like the number one team in the country over the last 10 years with beating the spread. So for 10 years we’ve been disrespected a little bit in terms of how people perceive us… It’s just that the perception of Yale basketball hasn’t got to the point where it should be. That’s the way I look at it. They underestimate us.”

Yale’s winning percentage against the spread in the 2010s was 58, the highest in the country.

“For 10 years we’ve been disrespected a little bit in terms of how people perceive us … [T]he perception of Yale basketball hasn’t got to the point where it should be. That’s the way I look at it. They underestimate us.”

—Head coach James Jones

Jones pointed to trends in Ivy League preseason polling to illustrate his point as well. In 10 of the past 14 seasons, Yale has outpaced projections in the Ivy League Preseason Media Poll. Picked to finish third at the start of this season, the Elis will improve that statistic at the end of the weekend. Yale is guaranteed to finish either first or second in the conference no matter the outcome of its final regular-season contests at Dartmouth and Harvard. At the same time, Jones said he would not want it to be the other way — better Yale beat the spread than be the worst team against it, failing to fulfill expectations every time.

Players have encountered the same chasm between perception and reality. Once, guard Mike Feinberg ’22 started chatting with two kids in New Haven about basketball.

“I told them I played at Yale, and they didn’t understand,” Feinberg said. “They didn’t even know we had a team. One was a freshman in high school, which is pretty old to not know that, and the other was his younger brother in seventh grade… It’s kind of crazy how the average basketball fan doesn’t know that Yale basketball is a prominent Division I basketball team and that we’re good, that we can hold our own against the best teams.”

Feinberg said he thinks it’s “wild” how adults bet thousands of dollars on the performance of college athletes. He said the betting makes him a little uncomfortable, but he understands its place in sports, an extra draw for the average fan.

The Bulldogs have beaten the spread in every contest they have played with a Power Five opponent this year. In Stillwater, Oklahoma, Yale fell by seven, beating a spread that projected they would lose by 13. At Penn State, to Portnoy’s distress, the Elis lost by two, but anyone who picked them to cover the spread, set at 15 points, made a profit. A few days before Christmas, the Bulldogs’ nine-point win at Clemson saw them beat the spread again. And in its next game, Yale lost to North Carolina by three, improving its record against the spread to 11–2.

Frank Krugel, an usher who works every men’s basketball game at John J. Lee Amphitheater, said some of his friends started betting on Yale after its narrow loss in Chapel Hill two days before New Year’s. Sports fans first, his friends come to watch games live.

“They kind of realized what a good team Yale is,” Krugel said. “North Carolina is kind of having a bad year, but still, to be in the same ballpark as them says a lot of things.”

Many in the sports betting world already had their attention piqued. Shane Messer, who runs a Twitter-based business on the account Puckline Papi in which customers pay him for sports betting recommendations, said he began betting on the Elis after their performance at the November Penn State game.

By now, he said Yale has essentially become an “auto-bet” for him, a team he automatically chooses to bet on each game they play. Messer estimates he has sold recommendations to bet on Yale to at least 600 people since Portnoy’s big wager on the Penn State game.


“I like to think I got on the Yale-against-the-spread trend pretty early this season,” Messer said. “Seven times out of 10, they’re winning [me money]… You know how it works with Barstool and Dave Portnoy. When they tweet about something, it’s got a million views and interactions. That alone could help Yale basketball betting on its own.”

The Bulldogs followed their performance against Penn State with five straight wins against the spread, driving up to Massachusetts as the most “profitable” team in the nation by mid-December. An 83–80 overtime win helped the Elis improve their actual record, but UMass guard Carl Pierre hit a three-pointer in the final seconds to shrink Yale’s ultimate advantage to three. Monroe and forward Paul Atkinson ’21 both defended Pierre on the play, contesting the shot without risking a foul. With a six-point lead, Monroe said he simply wanted to avoid giving Pierre a chance to convert a four-point play.

The conversion helped the Minutemen cover the spread, and what felt like a meaningless, late-game three-pointer to Yale players (that was irrelevant to the outcome of the game) incurred the wrath of bettors on Twitter. “Paul Atkinson is a hoe for not stepping up to contest but why tf was Eric Monroe backing up the entire time?” one user commented on Twitter. “Not only was he back pedaling [sic] the entire way but he kept looking back for the screen and fell for it.”

“These Twitter accounts that follow who beats the spread consistently like Barstool accounts and stuff, we’re popping up on tweets [that say] Yale’s very good against the spread, like ‘Bet on them, bet on them,’” Monroe said. “So people do it and people get mad when we don’t, which isn’t very often I guess… [After UMass] some guy just went on a rant on Twitter, like what the hell is Monroe thinking and Atkinson’s head is not even in the game. It’s like, dude, do you even understand basketball? We’re just trying to win the game.”

Even after failing to cover the spread at UMass, by winter break, the Yale basketball betting craze had spread from coast to coast.

Back at home in California, Colman Seery ’22 was buying jeans at a Levi’s in the mall when a retail worker there revealed his Yale basketball betting habit.

“Somehow one time, he saw me on my phone on Yale, and he’s like, ‘Oh, I bet on Yale basketball,’” Seery, who has never watched a Yale basketball game, said.

But despite beating the spread in its Ivy-opening games at Brown, the Bulldogs’ success against the spread has taken a dip in 2020 and during conference play. Yale went 11–2 against the spread this fall, but has regressed to 6–7 in the new decade. Oddsmakers have corrected spread lines, making it more difficult to beat teams by significant margins.

Sports books projected the Elis to win by 20 at Howard, ranked one of the worst teams in DI basketball, but Yale could only manage a 14-point victory. A similar scenario played out when the Elis hosted Cornell, defeating the Big Red by 15 but unable to cover a 17-point spread. Yale has failed to cover in other February games against Harvard, Penn at The Palestra, Cornell in Ithaca, and Penn and Princeton at home. Feinberg said Swain, who scored a career-high 33 points in the Harvard loss but missed a free throw that would have sent the game into overtime, received hateful comments afterwards from some who had bet on the nationally televised game on his Instagram.

Messer said that games with national audiences typically draw greater betting activity, adding that a gradual adjustment of the spread is a common occurrence in sports betting. As more people put money on the Bulldogs, winning a profit becomes more difficult.

“[Betting on Yale] is definitely something that I would say a lot of bettors are missing out on, but I can guarantee you the guys making the lines are not missing out on that,” Messer said. “They’re definitely aware of how dominant Yale has been against the spread this year… It’s big money that moves the betting line. If somebody comes in and hammers the Yale spread for $250,000, they’re going to move the betting line the other way just to entice some people to bet on the other side.”

Still, online sports betting publications have covered Ivy League games all season long. Google Yale and its opponent for any given weekend, and betting guides appear. A search of the Yale-Princeton game in mid-February — a nationally televised contest that attracted an especially high volume given that the NBA was in the midst of its All-Star weekend — yields stories from The Action Network, FanDuel, Sports Chat Place, Winners and Whiners and CBSSports.com. Most previews offer broad storylines, review each team’s success against the spread and promise betting advice on the game. Some, like stories in OnlineGambling.com, occasionally draw quotes from the News.

“A GOOD THAT PEOPLE CONSUME”

The Supreme Court’s 2018 decision in Murphy v. NCAA and the subsequent legalization of sports betting in several states have raised questions about where players, both professional athletes and student-athletes, fit into the recent changes.

According to USA Today, NCAA leadership announced in 2018 that the association remains against sports betting and would not plan on seeking an “integrity fee” from sports books — money that would help offset expenses associated with monitoring for potential betting irregularities. Their announcement came about a month after the Supreme Court decision, while the NBA’s decision to pursue integrity fees came in May 2018. Mike Bass, an NBA spokesman, also cited expenses in an interview that month with the Associated Press, additionally making the argument that the NBA is an “intellectual property creator” of basketball games that enable sports betting to occur.

A month before the decision, a joint statement from player’s unions for the MLB, NHL, NFL and NBA also declared their desire for athletes “to have a seat at the table to ensure that players’ rights and the integrity of our games are protected.

“The leagues take the view that, without their products, sports events, sports betting wouldn’t exist,” Hichar said. “Thus, their view is that they should be entitled to some compensation to the extent that sports betting occurs with respect to their products.”

However, Hichar said he does not see a scenario in which collegiate student-athletes earn direct revenue from sports betting. Plus, in some states, although sports betting has become legal, betting on NCAA competitions is still not. For example, the proposed legislation in Massachusetts, Hichar said, would not permit any betting on NCAA competitions regardless of where they take place.

For some at Yale, a school rarely included in the debate around college athlete compensation, the argument resonates. Feinberg said he personally believes players should receive a portion of all revenue related to collegiate sports made by anyone.

“I’m a big believer that [if] people produce something that people care about, it’s a good that people consume,” Feinberg said. “People consume our basketball games. They watch our games, they get enjoyment out of it and all that. And it comes at a price and people pay that price… What would the games be without the players? It wouldn’t be a basketball game, you know? What would you watch? The refs and the coaches?”

Monroe said he has long been in favor of college athletes getting the opportunity to make money off their likenesses. Last fall, the NCAA announced a vague step to allow college athletes to “benefit from the use of their name, image, and likeness.” The NCAA Board of Governors issued the announcement a month after California passed legislation that would make it illegal for colleges to prohibit their student-athletes from earning income on endorsements, social media advertising or other related activities. Others do not think the ongoing legalization of sports betting complicates the conversation. As Jones pointed out, sports bettors can always lose — and indeed, have lost — money when they wager on the Elis. 

Regardless, as March Madness nears, wagers are set to increase in both size and quantity. The Bulldogs, who clinched an Ivy Madness berth with a win over Penn last Friday, hope two wins at the Ancient Eight tournament can facilitate a second consecutive NCAA Tournament appearance. 

Some fans might be surprised by an upset, but the sports bettors who have followed the Elis from afar almost all season long would not be.

“They’ve exceeded the oddsmakers in every one of those [Power Five] games,” Messer, the Puckline Papi owner, said. “If I was a team in March Madness and I ended up drawing Yale, I’d be a little bit concerned.”



After life: Muslim deathcare in New Haven

Published on November 22, 2019

Secular regulations hinder Muslim burial practices in Connecticut

When a Muslim woman dies in New Haven or a nearby town, Sana Fatima Farooqi is informed by the local imam. She finds someone to take care of her sons for the hours that she will be gone. Then she messages one of her WhatsApp groups — “Gosl Sisters Group” or “Washing and Shrouding CT” — to find two to five women who will join her to wash the body of the deceased woman in the Muslim ritual of ghusl before the woman is shrouded and laid to rest.

When she arrives at the funeral home, Farooqi prepares warm water scented with camphor oil to wash the body. Sometimes the home will have running water available in the preparation room. If not, she and the women helping her carry buckets of water for the washing. Out of respect for the modesty of the deceased woman, Farooqi covers her from neck to foot in a white cloth. Just as Muslim women cover themselves in life, they give the same respect to a Muslim sister in death.

The hardest part for Farooqi is washing the breasts and genitals without ever looking at them. The women always wash the right side of the body first, then the left. They repeat this process twice, more if necessary. They must not clip her nails. They must not cut her hair. The body is sacred, as is her resting soul.

Sometimes they must clean blood that trickles from the nose or from exposed wounds on the body. Farooqi takes care not to let any blood get on the white sheet that will shroud the woman in the grave. The cloth, called the kafan, must remain pristine.

Once the washing is completed, Farooqi will dry the body and perfume it with camphor, sidr (jujube) leaves or scented oil so the woman smells as if she had just taken a bath. They dab the scented oil on the parts of the body that touch the ground when Muslims prostrate themselves before God. The forehead, the tip of the nose, the hands, the knees, the feet — these are the places where you are closest to God.

Finally, the women take three seamless white cotton sheets and wrap the body, folding the right side of the cloth over the left. When Muslims bury the body the traditional way, in a shroud without a burial container, the fabric decomposes and the shroud, along with the body, returns to the earth.

~~~

I met Farooqi at the mosque on George Street. She invited me to sit with her on the carpet. The material was scarlet and gold-patterned, vibrant against the black velvet skirt beneath her knees.

From the outside, a passerby would never guess that the unassuming two-story New England-style house with the white cladding, pitched roof and dormer windows is a mosque. But for the Muslim community in New Haven, finding a way to practice their faith within a secular context is not something new but a fact that they have long accepted. The daily call to prayer sounded quietly within the walls of the mosque; in this country, public broadcasts of the adhan are inconceivable. I would soon learn that in death practices, too, Muslims in America have had to learn to adapt.

Erum Hassan

Small-boned and bespectacled, Farooqi’s soft-spoken voice belies the hefty responsibility she bears in the local Muslim community. Farooqi manages a loose coalition of about 10 women who volunteer their time and, in some cases, money, to carry out ghusl for any Muslim women who pass away in New Haven.

“A lot of people are scared to do it because they think, ‘It’s a dead body,’” said Farooqi. “But I think, what if it were me? Who is going to do it for me? Everyone passes away, so you feel honored that you can help somebody in that state.”

For Muslims, washing the body prior to shrouding and burial is obligatory, according to hadith, which are the recorded words and actions of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. It is written in hadith that when the daughter of the Prophet Muhammad died, he gave instructions to women to wash her three times or more, with water and sidr and camphor. Muslims today continue to follow these instructions on how to wash the bodies of the deceased.

Farooqi rarely knows the families of the women whose bodies she washes. She has met families from Bosnia and Bangladesh, families who don’t speak English and families who have lived in Connecticut all their lives. Since 2012, she has washed the bodies of over 20 women.

The women who assist Farooqi are usually younger, since the washing involves lifting the body, requiring physical strength. Most are devout and pray five times a day. For many, their motivation is deeply religious. Farooqi and the women who volunteer their time to do ghusl never charge for what they do. Sometimes, appreciative family members will give them some money to replenish ghusl supplies. Every few months, Farooqi purchases towels, soap, camphor, cotton buds, Q-tips and other materials for ghusl, usually with her own money. Recently, Farooqi has begun using burial kits provided free of charge by a nonprofit organization called Akhiri Tohfa based in Connecticut.

“She is not alone in what she does. In Windsor and Bridgeport, Orange and Weston, other Muslim sisters like Farooqi take the lead and organize similar teams to wash the bodies of women in their communities who pass away.”

The women on these ghusl teams have a spiritual connection to these rituals and feel an obligation to perform ghusl. Based on Islamic teachings, if someone in the community fails to carry out this responsibility, there is a sin on the whole community.

The ghusl ritual is a cornerstone of Muslim deathcare practices. “The washing of the body is integral,” said Omer Bajwa, director of Muslim life for the Chaplain’s Office at Yale, “Islam doesn’t have many requirements [for death rites] but the washing of the body is one really prominent requirement.”

According to Bajwa, Islam sees death as a departure from our mortal life where the body is fundamentally vulnerable to degeneration. “Islam is very realistic about the human body and human limitations,” he said.

In line with this thinking, the ideal Islamic burial is simple. Muslims prefer not to use a casket for burial and certainly not a burial vault, a concrete container that encases the casket and prevents the grave from sinking. In strict Islamic tradition, Muslims are laid to rest in a simple burial shroud in the soil.

Bajwa quotes a verse from the Quran to me: “From the earth We created you, and into it We will return you, and from it We will extract you another time.”

For this reason, embalming is also frowned upon in the religion. By wrapping the body in nothing but three plain cotton sheets, the body can naturally decompose and return to the earth.

Erum Hassan

But in practice, very few Muslims are able to fulfill their vision of a simple Islamic burial. Many modern cemeteries have regulations that require burial vaults. One such cemetery is Beaverdale Memorial Park, a modern nonsectarian cemetery in New Haven founded in 1929.

The manager, Dan Krueger, has a neat, white beard that trims his slim face. He has been working at the cemetery since he was 35 years old. He is soft-spoken and kind, almost as if he is anticipating what you are about to say. He says “yes” a lot.

At Beaverdale, it is a requirement that all caskets are encased in a burial vault. The reason is practical: Without the concrete vault to prevent the grave from sinking, the ground covering the burial site can drop several inches. It would be harder to maneuver trucks and equipment and excavators over the grounds. Visitors could trip.

When Muslim or Orthodox Jewish families approach Krueger to help with the burial of their loved ones, Krueger has to explain that regulations require the burial vault for safety reasons. State regulations on burial tend to be permissive, according to Krueger — the body doesn’t have to be embalmed by state law and burial vaults are not required.

However, cemeteries tend to set stricter policies. “We put in regulations so we can maintain the cemetery in the manner we think is fitting,” said Krueger. Being the final resting place of loved ones, a cemetery has to project an atmosphere of serenity and order befitting of the dead. Sunken graves, overgrown grass, and faded plastic flowers littering the grave sites are high on the list of things that Krueger tries to avoid.

Since he was the imam for Masjid Al-Islam from 1996 to 2001, Saifudeen Hasan has been responsible for managing funerals for the mosque and its members. He has noticed that in the past 10 years, cemeteries have started imposing more restrictions on burial procedures.

There is a cemetery in Enfield, Connecticut, where Muslims in New Haven have been buried for over 25 years. After years of burying Muslims the traditional way, without a casket or vault, the cemetery began imposing requirements on using a burial container. Hasan explained that the cemetery was concerned because of its proximity to residential housing and the risk that human remains could contaminate the water.

There’s nothing in the Quran that says the use of a burial container is strictly forbidden, but Muslim burials without a vault or casket are a matter of tradition.

“Sometimes, you have to conform to the state laws as long as it’s not completely against Islam,” said Hasan. “If it was, we would try to go to the state to make exceptions for religious reasons.”

However, given the high cost of funerals, the requirement on burial vaults only increases the financial hardship of a loved one dying.

Death is expensive in America. In 2017, the Bureau of Labor Statistics found that the price of funerals in the United States had risen almost twice as fast as consumer prices for all items since 1986. There are transportation fees to pay the funeral home, burial plots which can cost upward of $1,000 and burial caskets priced at $2,000 or more, among other costs.

Muslims funerals are considered to be on the cheaper end of deathcare rites: Hasan estimates the average Muslim funeral would set a family back by about $5,000. In comparison, the average cost of a funeral with a burial and vault in 2017 was $8,755, according to National Funeral Directors Association statistics. Still, for many members of the mosque, he says, cost is an issue.

“Our community is more blue-collar taxi drivers and social workers, whereas a lot of other communities have doctors and lawyers and engineers,” Hasan said. According to 2017 data by the Pew Research Center, Muslim Americans report lower household incomes and are less likely to be middle class than the general population.

“Muslim families, especially Muslim American families, don’t always have the money to pay for it because they don’t have the insurance,” said Hasan. “So a lot of the time the cemetery will waive the fees or the masjid pays for the funeral.”

But the mosque does not always have the funds on hand to cover the funeral and burial costs of their members. When accounts are running low, the mosque leaders will appeal to the congregation for donations to contribute to the funeral expenses of deceased members. If members don’t have the money, the mosque makes an appeal to other mosques in the area.

Between the Muslim communities in Orange, Hamden and New Haven, they have always managed to pull together the funds in the end, Hasan said. He cited the Muslim concept of “Sadaqah,” or voluntary charity, as the reason for the mosque to shoulder the financial burden for families that cannot afford it.

“Honestly, economically, people are struggling right now so the donations are not as great as they used to be in the past,” said Hasan.

Technically, the Connecticut Department of Social Services offers burial assistance of up to $1,400 for individuals with very limited means. But in practice, Hasan says the assistance has not been immediately useful as it takes days to process.

Since Muslims do not embalm the body, they prefer to bury the dead as quickly as possible, within 24 hours. If they delay until after state assistance is approved, the body will deteriorate.

Hasan recently buried a Muslim man whose family could not afford the funeral. Although they applied for state assistance, it took too long and by that time, the mosque had already covered funeral expenses.

“We don’t get any support from the government,” said Hasan. “Everything is done individually by the mosque.”

~~~

When Farooqi’s father passed away seven years ago, she inadvertently found herself becoming acquainted with the rituals and regulations of death — both Islamic and state-imposed.

Connecticut law generally prohibits people from bringing dead bodies into their homes, unless they have special permission. But for Farooqi, part of Muslim tradition is that a body should never be left unattended.

Farooqi gained permission from the state to bring her father back home where she stood vigil over him through the night, saying prayers over his body. Outside, a state official was parked all night to ensure that the body was buried the following morning in line with state health and safety regulations.

At that time, the only Muslim cemetery in Connecticut was located in Enfield, almost 60 miles and an hour’s drive from New Haven. So to Enfield Farooqi went.

For a Muslim, it is ideal to be buried in a Muslim cemetery. Bajwa explained that the idea of community is deeply rooted in Islam. Even after death Muslims see themselves — irrespective of race, nationality and ethnicity — as part of a global ummah, or global Muslim community.

“These are people who you will be resurrected with on the day of judgement,” Bajwa explained, “Muslims believe at the end of time, it was prophesied by the prophet that all souls will be resurrected from the graves. These are brothers and sisters of faith, co-religionists, that you will be resurrected with before you go to meet god.”

For many years, Enfield was the only option in Connecticut for Muslims who wanted to stay together as a community after death. That changed three years ago, when the Tariq Farid Foundation, a philanthropic organization that has funded U.S. soup kitchens and the rebuilding of schools in northern Syria, opened a second Muslim cemetery in Cheshire, just a half-hour drive from New Haven.

There is still no Muslim cemetery in New Haven, however. For the Elm City’s growing Muslim community, it may be quite some time before that becomes a reality.

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After her father passed away in 2012, Farooqi felt an urge to give back to her community and attended a workshop by Sister Matiniah Yahya to train women in washing and preparing bodies.

Farooqi didn’t know it then, but Yahya would become instrumental in mentoring Farooqi in the ghusl process. Eventually, Yahya passed the role of leading the women who do ghusl in New Haven to Farooqi.

Yahya has been involved in the ritual washing of bodies for most of her adult life. She was 21 when she first participated in a ghusl for a dead person. The imam at a mosque in Quincy, Massachusetts, had called to ask if she could help wash bodies — they were short one person. Her heart pounded as she entered the preparation room where she was to assist the ghusl team in the washing. She told herself, “Don’t faint, just stay there.” She said a prayer to calm herself.

 

The room was very hot. The air was thick with the piquant aroma of camphor and sweet aroma of oils for ghusl. But despite the heat and her nerves, she felt a sense of calm. The women were all quiet as they methodically worked. All attention was on the body.

“Everything became real to me at that point, all the questions about who is going to wash me? Am I going to be too fat for them to roll over? What is it going to be like? My family, are they going to be here? And the angels are going to come and question me?” said Yahya.

When she arrived in Connecticut after getting married, women were doing ghusl without formalized classes on the ritual. Motivated by her knowledge of Islamic theology, Yahya developed a detailed three-day workshop that explained the scriptural basis for ghusl, examined the ritual’s origins in the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad and taught participants how to wash and shroud dead bodies.

Back then, a large group of stay-at-home wives and mothers volunteered their time to do ghusl. But it has since become harder to find women to help. In the past 15 years, Yahya has noticed more women going back to school or work, with less and less time to volunteer.

Yahya and Farooqi have begun to reach out to towns around New Haven to find other women willing to shoulder the responsibility of ghusl. They have a list of women they know they can call when a Muslim sister dies. But Yahya admits it takes a special kind of person to do this task.

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On the day I met Farooqi in the mosque on George Street, a crying toddler being consoled by his older sister — barely adolescent age herself — and an elderly woman in a hijab sat in the corner of the room. When Farooqi, the girl and the elderly woman lined up for the sunset prayer, they stood from youngest to oldest, a physical reminder of the inevitability of aging and mortality.

“I have seen so many people who have been dead that I [often] think about my own death and what am I going to leave behind,” said Farooqi later. “It’s something I think all Muslims are supposed to think about.”

I thought of my visit to Beaverdale Memorial Park, the secular cemetery, less than two weeks before. I had stood with Dan Krueger before the yawning grave — 36 inches wide, 8 feet long and 5 and a half feet deep, standard-issue size. The sides and bottom of the grave were perfectly flat, like the bottom of a big chest. Below my feet were 32,000 graves, people buried between 1929 and 2019, men, women, large and small, all stacked side by side in this resting place for the dead.

Looking at the grave, I had found it easy to think of death and burial as a strictly mechanical process. The excavator that digs the grave with its metal claws would belong just as much on a construction site or a scrapyard as in a cemetery.

But then I remembered what Bajwa told me.

“Death is a powerful, profound reminder on how you should live your life: You can live your life, be obsessed with your job, your career, accumulate power and prestige, but when you go to the grave … no wealth, power will go with you,” he said. “You were born into this world naked and you will go to the grave naked. And, at that moment, you will hear the fading footsteps of your loved ones. That is a moment of feeling profoundly alone.”